• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.265-294
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• 2017

In the early days of human history, the governing groups of rulers needed to justify their rule. The cause of rule became the ruling ideology. In China, the backbone of the ruling ideology was originally referred to as 'Di(帝)' or 'Shangdi(上帝)', who was later replaced by 'Tian(天)', Heaven. So there was a claim that Heaven gave the cause of the rule. This idea is the 'Tianming (天命)' idea. When the Zhou(周) Dynasty took control of the central government, the 'Tianming' idea had had a relatively sophisticated form. It was the 'Zhouli(周禮)' that organized the systematic order of the Zhou Dynasty. After this system collapsed, those who recognized 'Zhouli' as a desirable social system considered the collapse of 'Zhouli' as a situation of turbulent age. It was Qin(秦) State that unified all of the states of the period. However, after the unification, the Qin Dynasty fell sharply. The next dynasty was the Han(漢) Dynasty. The new ruling powers of the Han Dynasty needed to justify their regime. That means that it was necessary to establish the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty. The representative of the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty was Dongzhongshu, whose thought was based on Confucianism. His thought was related to "Chunqiugongyangzhuan(春秋公羊傳)", an interpretation of "Chunqiu(春秋)". This interpretation perspective is based on the idea of religious Heaven. Dongzhongshu thought that there were co-communions between Heaven and humans. His thought has the meaning of political theology in which rulers hold the basis of the rulers' sovereignty.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• Journal of Gifted/Talented Education
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.221-244
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to examine the gifted education system in North Korea. The study analysed various literature, articles, and internet resources concerning education in general and gifted education in North Korea. The findings of the study are as follows: First, in recent years North Korea has emphasized gifted education to advance the level of science and technology, especially in the field of information technology and computer science. Second, North Korea already introduced the gifted education system by establishing music schools, foreign language schools, art schools, dance schools, and athletics schools in 1960. Third, North Korea has established special schools for the gifted in science since 1984. The schools play an important role in advancing the country's science and technology. Fourth, in North Korea there are special courses in colleges and universities for the gifted in various fields. Fifth, North Korea has implemented the consistent and interrelated system of gifted education from kindergarten level to higher education level.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.69
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• pp.71-110
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• 2015

Beyond the technological behaviorism-oriented notion of prosumers, the current study explores the question of digital creative labour of the youth in the interrelated context of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal ethos of selfhood. This analysis is situated particularly in the social conflicts and struggles in Korea, where the problems related to the precarization of the younger generation have been increasingly aggravated (in the realm of embodied reality) whereas their digital activities have been highly expressive (in the realm of mediated reality). The contradictions embedded in the question of the labour of the youth are delineated in the respect of the subjectivities of young free labour, or 'digital creative labour' in proposed terms: the precarious young free labour in Korea is the compound of social fragmentation, economic polarization, expansion of cognitive and emotion labour, boom of hedonistic consumerism, economic-cultural celebration of creativity and self-entrepreneurship, technological saturation of digital media, subjective/collective affects around excitement and ambition but also of anxiety and fear. The ambivalence and complexity of the young free labour is converged at the emergence of homo-economicus (Michel Foucault) through the subjectivation of the social (con)fusion of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal governmentality of selfhood.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.170-190
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• 2009

The aim of this study is to examine the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo which was the first and the largest newspaper in Busan during the U.S. Military Government in Korea. For this purpose this study analyzed the personal history of the editorial staffs and the coverage of the three historical events. The events analyzed were the supporting statement to trusteeship by Korean Communist Party in Jan. 1946, the money counterfeit by Jungpansa in May, 1946 and the general strike in Sep. 1946. The coverages of Minjujungbo on these three events were compared with those of other newspapers which had shown the orientation of the rightist, the neutral, and the leftist respectively. Most of the editorial staffs had been involved the leftist movement but were not socialist to the core at that time. Most of them were the members of Pusanilbo which was published by Japanese in late colonial period. The coverages of Minjujungbo were analyzed to be similar to those of Seoulsinmun which was evaluated as the neutral. But the coverage of the general strike was analyzed as leftist slightly. In conclusion it can be said that the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo was the left-of-center.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.4-15
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• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.199-215
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• 2002

The socio-economic and environmental systems of world are in turmoil. International conflicts are placed in their geographical context through the integration of maps. Changes in the world political map have often been the outcome of wars and conflicts associated with major geopolitical transitions. We identify five basic types--proto-nationalism, unification nationalism, separation nationalism, liberation nationalism and renewal nationalism. Political leaders in a wide range of contexts have been able to appeal to the nationalist doctrine to justify their actions. In recent years indigenous peoples have found a new voice in their struggle for survival. Although colonial empire's ending followed long and bloody struggles in some places. We really cannot understand the modem world as a whole if we do not understand the dynamic of that part of it which has endured and struggled against colonialism. The patterns of the international conflicting area are divided internal conflict type, mixed conflict type, international conflict type. The formation factors of the international conflicting area are divided ethnic group, religion, colonialism, resource, territory. There has recently been a resurgence of Islam's importance in world affairs. The oil crises of the 1970s gave new international leverage to several Muslim states.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.131-144
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• 2021

In recent years, China has gradually made clear its decision to modernize the governance system and governance capacity of the government by the virtue of digital transformation. As for the smart prison, as a penal institution of the state, technological reform is a key element in the sustainable development of smart prisons; however, relying on technology does not necessarily lead to a better service experience. Service design concept, as a coordinator of technology and social sustainability, needs to be adapted to the technological integration of smart prisons and to the needs for service design in the prison context in a new mode of thinking about services. This paper takes the development of the Jail Pay financial services system, one of the twelve sub-systems of the Smart Prison, as an entry point to explore the characteristics and shortcomings of the service design approach in achieving sustainable service innovation in the Smart Prison, it proposes an experience-based lead collaborative design (EBLCD) that is suitable for the specific needs in the prison context. The EBLCD is a theoretical framework and practical experience for sustainable service innovation in the construction of smart prisons.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.242-261
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• 2012

This study was intended to analyze media in education policy from the governance perspective and suggested some orientations and innovative ideas to a new governance in media in Education. For these purposes, this study reviewed related literature about media in education and governance policy and drew a governance model of educational community as an analytic scheme to understand a governance approach to orientation-order-performance of Schmank. Thereafter, the study analyzed formulation and implementation processes of media in education policy, based on some criteria to operate the model, and also analyzed the policy governance in a comprehensive way. Based on the results, this study suggested recommendations to innovate current media in education governance as follows: (1) working towards an idea of operative cooperation through reforms (2) constructing a rational policy system to incorporate socio-political variables, and (3) activating cooperative governance to transform 'governing' into 'governance'.