• Strategy21
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• s.44
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• pp.79-102
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• 2018

2015년 미 해군에서 발간한 미 수상함대전략(Surface Force Strategy)에 따르면, 미 해군은 반접근-지역거부(Anti-Acess and Anti-Denial, A2/AD) 전략에 대한 대응책으로 '분산된 치명성(Distributed Lethality, DL)'이라는 신 작전개념을 개발 중에 있다. 이 개념은 각 유닛(unit)의 공격력(offensive power)을 향상시키고 지리적으로 분산 시킴으로써(geographical dispersion) 생존성을 향상시키는데 목적을 두고 있다. 하지만 동맹국(한국/일본 등)이 '분산된 치명성(DL)' 개념에 기여할 수 있는 영역이 다양함에도 불구하고, 지금까지 미 해군 내에서는 동맹국과 어떻게 공조해야 할 것인가에 대한 논의가 부족한 것이 사실이다. 따라서, 미 해군은 향후 '분산된 치명성(DL)' 이라는 작전개념에 동맹국이 줄 수 있는 이점을 추가적으로 적용하는 '동맹국을 활용한 분산된 치명성(Distributed Lethality with Allies, DL+A)' 개념을 발전시켜야 할 것이다. '동맹국을 활용한 분산된 치명성(DL+A)' 개념이란 동맹국이 가지고 있는 전력, 시설, 플랫폼 등 가용자산을 최대한 활용하여 기존의 '분산된 치명성(DL)' 개념을 강화시키는 신 작전개념이다. 미 해군은 본 논문에서 제시하는 신 작전개념(DL+A)을 적용함으로써 다양한 영역(정찰, 군수, 지리적 요충지, 플랫폼)에서 동맹국으로부터 지원을 받을 수 있을 것이다. 또한, 동맹국은 미 해군의 신 작전개념을 적용함으로써 A2/AD 전략에 대비한 안보능력을 향상시킬 수 있을 것이다.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Marine Environment & Energy
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.217-225
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• 2013

It is time to develop new renewable energy that could fundamentally replace fossil fuel, which has been increasingly needed due to environmental pollution and energy security. Korean marine bio-energy development project is planned to produce 50% of total bioenergy. This study attempts to measure the greenhouse gas emission reduction benefits of marine bio-energy development project through contingent valuation method. Single bounded dichotomous choice (SBDC) is applied with spike model. The results show that the average willingness to pay are estimated to be KRW 4,190 at SBDC, per household per year. If the result has been expanded to the region which is survey conducted, KRW 50.1 billion annually. These quantitative information can be usefully utilized in the cost benefit analysis to implement project and policy-making for the industrialization of marine bio-energy development project.

• Maritime Security
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.175-214
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• 2020

Previous studies cannot effectively explain the rise of piracy in Somalia and NIgeria. First, there is a lack of explanation for the process that from a small maritime robbery into a org anized pirate g roup. Second, it is difficult to explain the low level of piracy in countries with extreamly poor conditions, from Somalia to Nigeria. In this study, I argue that the more severe foreign countries infringe on economic maritime sovereignty in vulnerable countries, the higher the intensity and frequency of piracy. If the infringement of economic maritime sovereignty caused by foreign groups occurs in a fragile state, the government could not respond to the acts of foreign groups, resulting in increased damage to maritime people, deteriorating the regional economic situation. As hostility grows, a culture favorable to piracy is created, which is actively utilized by local forces to inspire the people's hostility, and a favorable environment for piracy emerges in a way that responds politically to foreign powers. In Somalia and Nigeria, the infringement of economic maritime sovereignty by foreign groups emerged severe. And based on the stagnation of the local economy and hostility toward foreign groups, favorable conditions were formed for piracy, resulting in the rise of piracy. Meanwhile, Somalia's neighbor, one of the most fragile states in the world, Yemen have not suffered piracy. Also, the foreign infringement to the maritime economic sovereignty has rarely been observed.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.143-151
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to provide the future development of the PRC Marine Corps by analyzing the changing functions via its historical development. The PRCMC is an elite regular military forces and was established by the Central Military Commission(China) in 1953 in order to project the national military power toward the enemy's territory by overcoming maritime obstacles such as seas and lakes. The PRCMC is relatively smaller personnel strength compared with the whole size of the PRC military forces. Thus its functions were limited in the areas of amphibious and land operations, island and land defense against Taiwan before the PRC pursues expanding policy toward outside. However, in the 2000s, China pursues its policy for obtaining absolute national interest so that its functions are rapidly enlarged into defense of the forward naval bases, and those for evolving its power toward outside according to not only the island territorial dispute with Japan, but also Xi Jinping's active expanding policy what we call 'the one belt and one road'. So its personnel strength is slowly increased. If the increasement of the PRC Navy and Marine Corps would develop into the level of which they can contain the status and influence of the US military power in Asia-Pacific area, it is possible that the security environment of the North-east Asia including the Korean peninsula will be fluctuated. Consequently, the ROK also needs to reevaluate the functions and the size of the joint strength of the ROK Navy and Marine Corps considering the transition of the changing security environment.

• Maritime Security
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-123
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• 2021

Seoul is under increasing pressure to choose between the US-led IndoPacific Strategy (IPS) and China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Accordingly, this paper undertakes a detailed appraisal of the IPS and the BRI in the context of Korea's national policy imperatives. Based on a study of network structure by Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright (2007), the present study seeks to identify a particular network structure within the IPS and the BRI. Through this analysis, the relationship between the core and the participant states will be addressed. Awareness of specific configurations of the IPS and the BRI is important as these reveal what participant states can expect from each network. According to Nexon and Wright, there are four types of network structure: unipolar anarchy, hegemonic order, constitutional order, and imperial order. Based on this, we argue that the IPS has a constitutional order and the BRI has an imperial order. Therefore, we suggest to Seoul that participating in the IPS may make more room for an independent foreign policy than would a BRI partnership with China. South Korea would benefit by participating in the IPS in terms of its national security, striking a favourable regional balance of power.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.211-235
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• 2021

As a result of the Falkland Islands War from April 2 to June 14, 1982, Britain overcame severe economic depression and reclaimed the glory of the former British Empire by winning the war. On the other hand, Argentina was greatly affected by the collapse of a military dictatorship and the birth of a democratic government. This study suggests strategies for responding to maritime disputes that may occur in Dokdo Island in the future by applying "DIME on PMESII" to the Falkland Islands dispute. In particular, the study analyzes how DIME (diplomacy, information, military, and economy) capabilities have an effect as a means of the total national power of a country that effectively controls the disputed territory. Based on the results of this study, the response strategies related to the Dokdo maritime dispute are as follows. First, effective control over the disputed territory should be effectively maintained and strengthened like in Britain. This strategy inspires patriotism, supports the government during warfare, secures a just cause for war, and gains international support. Second, 'DIME on PMESII' was effective in modern warfare by focusing our DIME capabilities on the weaknesses of the other country's PMESII system. That is, wars are not won simply by the conflict of armed forces but by a nation's overall national strength, such as diplomatic, information, and economic capabilities. Third, appropriate strategies for neighboring countries are needed to overcome the possibility of limited warfare in the sea through preparations for Dokdo maritime disputes in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.27 no.7
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• pp.1011-1022
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• 2021

The Korea Coast Guard(KCG) is the only comprehensive maritime administrative agency in Korea that performs various tasks taking place in the ocean, including rescue operations, disaster management, policing, Drug and smuggling crackdown, responding to Response to invasion of maritime territory, environmental conservation, and maritime security. It is vital to inform the public of the role and mission of KCG as the only comprehensive maritime administrative agency in Korea. However, most citizens, excluding residents of the coastal and island areas, have little knowledge of the security administration services of the KCG due to lack of exposure. This study reviewed the KCG's public relations(PR) organization and current status using KCG promotional materials, diagnosed the actual conditions of KCG's PR, and suggested ways to improve public relations activities through a questionnaire survey of public relations personnel. Through literature research and questionnaire survey, the KCG's public relations status was estimated and the measures to enhance publicity was derived as follows: strengthening the PR organization by reinforcing the personnel in charge of PR, improving customized promotion by clarifying the promotion strategy according to the promotion target, enhancing job training for PR personnel, and increasing the interest and support of commanders and internal members in charge of PR work.

• Strategy21
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• s.46
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• pp.159-204
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• 2020

This study is written to bring the proposal forward for the direction of south korean naval force. The political situation and the circumstance of the world, especially in the area of Pacific Ocean, are changing very rapidly. North Korea has been always the conventional existing intimidator for South Korea since the 6·25-War. Additionally, the strengthening movements of the national defense, which is easily noticed from China and Russia, is also an other part of intimidating countries against South Korea. Those three mentioned countries are continually developing the asymmetrical warfare systems, for example a strategic nuclear weapon. Since the Obama Administration, the Asia-Pacific Rebalancing-Strategy has been changed as an East Asian foreign policy. Nowadays, Trump Administration renamed the 'United States Pacific-Command' to 'United States Indo-Pacific Command'. The purpose of this is not only letting India to participate in american alliance, but also reducing an economic burden, which is often mentioned in USA. West Germany was located in the very similar geopolitical position during the Cold War just like South Korea these days. And that's why the strategy of West German Navy is worthy of notice for south korean naval force to decide its suitable strategy. Most of all, the two most important things to refer to this study are the plan to expand naval air force and the realistic political stand for us to take it. In conclusion, I laid an emphasis on maintenance of 'green-water-navy'. instead of selecting the strategy as a 'blue-water-navy'. The reason I would like to say, is that south korean navy is not available to hold the unnecessary war potential, just like Aircraft-Carrier. However, this is not meaning to let the expansion of naval force carelessly. We must search the best solution in order to maintain the firm peace within the situation. To fulfill this concept, it is mostly very important to maintain the stream of laying down a keel of destroyers, submarines and air-defense-missile, as well as the hight-tech software system, taking a survey of 4th industrial revolution. Research and development for the best solution of future aircraft by south korean navy is likewise necessary. Besides, we must also set the international diplomatic flexibly. As well as maintaining the relationship with US Forces, it is also very important to improve the relationship with other potential allied nation.

• Maritime Security
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.151-184
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• 2021

Global warming due to climate change is one of the biggest challenges in the 21st century. Global warming is not only a disaster that threatens the global ecosystem but also an opportunity to reduce logistics costs and develop mineral resources by commercializing Arctic routes. The Arctic paradox, in which ecological and environmental threats and new economic opportunities coexist, is expected to have a profound impact on the global environment. As the glaciers disappear, routes through the Arctic Ocean without passing through the Suez and Panama Canals emerged as the 'third route.' This can reduce the distance of existing routes by 30%. Global warming has also brought about changes in the geopolitical paradigm. As Arctic ice begins to melt, the Arctic is no longer a 'constant' but is emerging as the largest geopolitical 'variable' in the 21st century. Accordingly, the Arctic, which was recognized as a 'space of peace and cooperation' in the post-Cold War era, is now facing a new strategic environment in which military and security aspects are emphasized. After the Cold War, the Arctic used to be a place for cooperation centered on environmental protection, but it is once again changing into a stage of competition and confrontation between superpowers, heralding 'Cold War 2.0.' The purpose of this study is to evaluate the strategic value of the Arctic Ocean from geopolitical and geoeconomic perspectives and derive strategic implications by analyzing the dynamics of the New Cold War taking place in the Arctic region.

• Maritime Security
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.141-185
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• 2021

The growing U.S.-China rivalry has placed the countries of Southeast Asia in exceedingly precarious positions. The Republic of Korea (ROK) likewise has been tasked with the challenge of "navigating the waters" between deepening geopolitical divides. It is in this context that the "New Southern Policy" (hereafter NSP) has become a key word in Korea's foreign policy circles. Through NSP, ROK aims to diversify its economic and security interests by strengthening ties with its southern partners, focusing on three key areas (termed as the "3 Ps"): People, Prosperity, and Peace. At the same time, the NSP seeks cooperation with other key diplomatic agendas such as the U.S.'s "Free and Open Indo-Pacific," rendering it crucial for the overall stability of the region. Considering such strategic significance, deeper analysis of the policy is more timely than ever. A brief assessment of the policy's outcome so far, however, reveals that relatively, the "Peace" pillar has been insufficient in achieving satisfactory outcomes. Here, this paper asks the question of: 1) How can the "Peace" pillar of South Korea's New Southern Policy be strengthened? Based on an analysis on the causes of the "Peace" pillar's weakness, this paper identifies counter-piracy cooperation as a solution. This paper then proceeds to answer the next question of: 2) How can ROK and ASEAN cooperate on counter-piracy, and how can these efforts be integrated into ROK's NSP? To answer the above question, this paper conducts in-depth case studies on ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy and identifies specific mechanisms of cooperation. In Chapter I, the paper begins with an overview of the NSP's strategic significance and an evaluation of its "Peace" pillar. Chapter II conducts a literature review on the causes of, and prescriptions for, the weakness of the "Peace" pillar. The paper then justifies why counter-piracy may be a solution. Chapter III examines ASEAN's and ROK's approaches to counter-piracy. By analyzing the general framework and each region's cases, the paper displays the strengths and weaknesses of each region's piracy responses. Based on this analysis, Chapter IV suggests ways to incorporate counter-piracy cooperation into the "Peace" pillar of the NSP. This research bears significance in that it identifies a specific area of cooperation (counter-piracy) to strengthen the "Peace" pillar of ROK's NSP. Such identification is based on a comprehensive study into the two parties' past and current experience in counter-piracy, making it contextual in nature. Furthermore, the study suggests practical mechanisms of cooperation, and considers ways of incorporation into the existing framework of NSP. This approach differs from existing literature that failed to generate case-specific, policy-oriented solutions. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated piracy issues and deepened geopolitical divides. Turbulent seas such as these call for careful navigation. When it comes to promoting "peace," the key lies in combating the pirates that sail those very waters.