• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.126
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• pp.345-376
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• 2013

Der vorliegende Beitrag zielt darauf ab, Nietzsches Einstellung zum Christentum zu $er{\ddot{o}}rtern$. Nietzsche gilt als einer der eindeutigsten Kritiker des Christentums in der $abendl{\ddot{a}}ndischen$ Geistesgeschichte. $F{\ddot{u}}r$ Nietzsche ist das Christentum nicht nur eine Religion, sondern auch eine Wertvorstellung, an der sich die $europ{\ddot{a}}ische$ Kultur orientiert hat. Nietzsche setzt sich die $vollst{\ddot{a}}ndig$ ${\ddot{U}}berwindung$ des Christentums zum Ziel, weil es der entscheidende Grund des Untergangs der $europ{\ddot{a}}ische$ Kultur ist. Ist Nietzsche Antichrist? Die Antwort auf die Frage ist sehr umstritten, denn Nietzsches Einstellung zum Christentum ist ambivalent. Freilich fokussiert Nietzsche seine Kritik nicht auf den Religionsstifter selbst, sondern auf den Apostel Paulus. In den verschiedenen Phasen seines Werkes erscheint Jesus in unterschiedlicher Weise. Er lehnt die Person Jesus nicht $grunds{\ddot{a}}tzlich$ ab, negiert aber den 'Typus' Jesus, z. B. als 'Idiot' und 'decadent'. Paulus ist der entscheidende Antipode $f{\ddot{u}}r$ Nietzsche. Der Apostel Paulus ist der wahre $Begr{\ddot{u}}nder$ des Christentums und der Sklavenmoral der Christen. Der vorliegende Aufsatz gibt Antworten auf die Fragen: Erstens, was das Christentum $f{\ddot{u}}r$ Nietzsche ist. Zweitens, wie Karl Jaspers Nietzsches $Verh{\ddot{a}}ltnis$ zu Jesus und Paulus besonders in Nietzsche und das Christentum beurteilt. Drittens, welches Problem die Interpretation von Jaspers besonders in Bezug auf seinen Begriff des 'Umgreifenden' hat.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.212-231
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• 2021

This study examines the types of gods worshiped in the homes of Utsunoya village, the places where they are enshrined, the rituals and food offered to the gods, the decorations during the rituals, and the people's beliefs. Also, by comparing the gods worshiped in houses in remote Utsunoya with those of downtown Shizuoka, the differences and changes in the gods worshiped in the two contemporary spaces were predicted. Today, the gods enshrined in Utsunoya's houses are amatelaseu oomikami (天照大神), ancestor, ebisu, daigoku, kojin, inari, the god of the toilet, the god of land, and the god of water. From December 31st to January 3rd and on January 15th, Obon (July 15th), October when there is a festival at the village shrine, and on Ebisu Day (October 19th and 20th), residents offer drinks and food to the gods. Japanese beliefs at home are polytheistic in nature. They maintain national identity through kamidana and maintain family identity through ancestor worship linked to the Buddhist altar. The Japanese beliefs at home are firmly established in the background of the home, the base of family life. Japanese houses have a strong character as a religious space where they coexist "with the gods," and the residents have a cultural tradition of living with the gods.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.50
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• pp.131-172
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• 2018

It is noted that nowadays, the bride wealth custom takes an extremely distorted form in African society. Such a phenomenon is a result that the male-dominant culture, Western religions, and capitalist economic system have been negatively combined into dynamic factors seen as bride wealth. This means that the concept of bride wealth has been incessantly reconstructed in the middle of clash and conflict of tradition and modernity. There is also little doubt that the practice is inextricably tangled with the common and current ways of livelihood, early marriage, polygyny, kinship/family structure, poverty, and migration labor. Bride wealth has become an increasingly commercialized element under a capitalist economic system. Accordingly, its traditional symbolism is seen to be subsequently weakening, whereas a tendency towards the reification of women is strengthening more in modern society that embraces modern customs bent on the protection of women's human rights. Its commercialization has produced a result, which instigates the noted violations of women's basic human rights, gender inequality, and promotion of domestic violence. The ways that people perceive bride wealth vary according to their own sex, generation, stratification, and ethnic background. Those people who negatively recognize bride wealth will increase with the deepening of its commercialization due to the influence of capitalism. Its color and effect will deepen and depend on how its agents correspond to socioeconomic changes. They will constantly reinterpret and reconstruct it within their own environments, but the basic human rights efforts are constantly under review by concerned individuals seeking to promote equality for women as a global effort.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.4-31
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• 2013

본고는 중세도시연구의 관점에서 도성 헤이안쿄(平安京)가 중세 교토(京都)로 변화하는 계기와 그 의미, 그것이 새로운 무가(武家) 정권도시(政權都市)에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지에 대하여 논하였다. 율령제 마지막 도성인 헤이안쿄는 천황을 절대적 정점으로 한 중앙집권이 동심원구조로 구현된 '왕성(王城)의 땅'이었으나, 10세기 후반 이후 도성의 구심점이었던 내리(內裏)가 헤이안큐(平安宮) 밖으로 나오는 등의 변화가 시작되었고, 도성의 이념과 틀이 급속하게 해체 변용되었다. 또 고대왕권을 대신하여 새로운 형태로 왕권과 여러 권력을 담당한 원(院)과 롱관가(瀧關家), 대두하는 무가권력 등이 그 본거지에 권력의 개성과 시대성을 반영한 새로운 경관과 공간원리를 생성하였다. 그것은 다음과 같은 공통점을 갖는다. (1) 큰 정토정원을 갖는 御堂(사찰)과 세트를 이룬 御所(천황의 거소). (2)황통(천황가 내의 계통)과 가족의 상징으로서 조상을 모신 분묘를 중심으로 한 도시형성. (3) 내리를 기점으로 남북으로 주축을 갖는 고대도성과 달리, 어당과 어소가 동서로 배열된 동서가로를 주축으로 한 도시계획. (4) 수도와 외부를 잇는 교통의 결절점에 입지하였고, 특히 하천변을 향해 적극적으로 확장된 도시. 일본 중세는 무가정권의 시대를 맞이하여 도고쿠(東國) 초기 무가정권의 본거지 히라이즈미(平泉)와 최초의 막부가 열린 가마쿠라(鎌倉)가 모델로 한 것은 '도성 헤이안큐'가 아니라 헤이안큐 수도 밖 신도시의 경관과 공간원리였다. 특히 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라 등이 가정기관(家政機關)과 조상의 묘를 중심으로 한 '가족 원리'에 따른 정권도시를 적극적으로 수용한 것은 단순한 도시의 모방이 아니라 주종관계를 축으로 의제적인 '집(家) 원리'로 권력이 형성된 무가에는 더욱 어울리는 논리이며, 또 고대와는 다른 새로운 시대의 논리였기 때문이다. 그 한편으로 무가의 대들보로서 무사들에 의해 추대된 초기 무가정권은 도시의 논리와 경관을 도입하였을 뿐 아니라 그들과 공통의 가치관을 표현하는 것도 중요한 요소였다. 그것이 최신의 도시를 모방한 어당과, 그것과는 대조적인 도고쿠 무가의 전통적인 어소의 병립이라는 종교공간과 정치 일상공간에서의 권위표상의 의식적인 분리에 의해 표현되었다. 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라에서는 유통, 상공업 등의 도시기능과 도시적인 경관이 정비되기까지 약 50년의 시간이 경과할 필요가 있었다. 12세기 일본의 무가정권은 스스로의 거점으로서 도시를 기획, 형성하는 의식과 실현하는 능력을 얼마나 가지고 있었는가 검토가 필요하다. 명확한 동아시아모델의 도성을 실현함으로써 왕권의 존재를 드러낸 고대 율령정권과의 차이점은 매우 크다. 이후 무가가 권력의 의도를 도시구조로서 명확하게 드러낸 것은 15세기 후반의 전국시대 다이묘(大名)의 죠카마치(城下町)로부터이다. 특히 16세기 후반부터 천하통일을 실현한 오다 노부나가, 도요토미 히데요시의 연합정권에서는 구체적인 성(城)과, 그 성을 중심으로 한 계층성을 명시한 죠카마치의 공간설계가 있었다. 여기서는 다시금 '도시의 경관'이 명확한 권력의 상징으로서 기능하게 된 것이다.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.63-92
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• 2011

This paper intends to clarify the characteristics of Seoul Ginoguigut in ritual form. This paper points out three characteristics; materialization of the journey to the world of the dead, direct communications with the dead, inclusive blessings for the dead and the living. Firstly, the journey to the world of the dead is materialized through various ritual processes of Seoul Ginoguigut. This characteristic is prominent in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of shamanism in other regions of Korea. Secondly, in Seoul Ginoguigut the communications of the dead and the living are made through direct dialogues between them through shaman's possession. The communications by direct dialogues between the dead and the living make it easy to accept death as a real fact, and have an effect of recognizing the individuality and uniqueness of each death. Thirdly, the blessings of Seoul Ginoguigut are so inclusive that they cover the dead's safe journey toward the world of the dead as well as the happiness of the living. This characteristic is related to the understanding of death of Korean shamanism that does not separate death and living. These three characteristics are perceived in the context of comparisons with the death rituals of Confucianism and Buddhism, and of Seoul Ginoguigut. And they give a clue to understand how the death rituals of Korean shamanism have persisted in Korean society.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.429-436
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• 2023

Traditional Chinese music has a deep indigenous color and has its own unique way of thinking and characteristics. A consensus has already been formed that linear thinking is a major feature of traditional Chinese music, and it has been implemented in both traditional multi-tone and single-tone music. It is mainly expressed in the form of single-tone music or single-tone music. This linear thought of traditional Chinese music is formed by influencing factors in various fields. For example, it is related to national culture, geographical and natural environment, religious and philosophical background, traditional Chinese notation, individual characteristics of traditional musical instruments, Yulje, composition, and transmission methods. This thinking is different from Western classical music that pursues three-dimensional thinking, and Western music emphasizes the harmony of harmony, harmony of tone and texture, logic and identity of structure, and emphasizes the aspect of space. However, traditional Chinese music emphasizes the horizontal development of melody, the fluency of ancestors, and the continuity of structure. We aims to analyze the causes of linear thinking of traditional Chinese music so that it can be more useful in educational aspects and promote the succession and development of traditional music by transferring knowledge of ethnic music.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.49
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• pp.229-263
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• 2024

The purpose of this article is to elucidate the origins of the symbolic significance of traditional Korean talismanic ornaments such as dried pollack, bokjori (luck-bringing strainer), silk threads, and sokotture (a nose-block). Previous studies have primarily interpreted the magical meanings of these ornaments based on their shapes or functions, but such approaches are limited due to this likely being an ex-post-facto interpretation. This study argues that the symbolic meanings of these ornaments originated from the socio-economic characteristics of the time. These items were food resources or products closely related to the economic activities of the people of the time, and therefore, could be considered symbols of abundance and fortune. In particular, dried pollack served as an important food resource and commodity during the Late Joseon Dynasty, even functioning as a quasi-currency, and considering that fish are seen as symbols of abundance and fertility in various cultures around the world, its symbolic significance becomes clearer. Bokjori and sokotture acquired the meaning of abundance by being associated with major goods or properties of the time such as rice and cattle, and silk thread was linked to sericulture, a significant source of income for farmers of the time. These economic characteristics form the basis of the symbolism of these ornaments, and the function of these talismans can be seen as a secondary symbolism added in the process of social justification of these customs. This study reveals that economic motives underlie magical-religious customs and suggests that a broad consideration of the cultural and ecological environment of the time is necessary to understand the origins and transformations of cultural phenomena.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.53-70
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• 2016

Korean temple gardens have very high preservation value as the place reflecting ancestral wisdom in harmony with nature. Not only as a religious place but also as a beautiful landscape place, many people including foreigners are visiting traditional Korean temples. However, current many Korean temple gardens lost their original value and meaning because of the inappropriate planting in traditional places. In this study, for maintaining the representativeness of traditional Korean temple, we researched the current planting status of traditional Korean temple. After the research of 51 traditional Korean temples, a total of 207 species of plants was investigated, and among them 128 species (61.84%) were Korean native plants, 76 species (36.71%) were cultivar plants, 2 species (0.97%) were naturalized plants, and 1 species (0.48%) is introduced plant. Korean red pine (46 temples), sawleaf zelkova (38 temples), and ginkgo (36 temples) were the high rank species among 207 species. Korean rare plants including black-fruit hackberry and Korean fir form 5.3% of total species, and Korean endemic plants including Korean weigela and Korean paulownia form 3.4% of total species in traditional Korean temples. On the other hand, plants that have religious meaning such as lotus, musa, and guelder rose form slightly. There is a higher proportion of traditional Korean plants than religious meaning plants in traditional temple gardens, so that temple gardens are highlighted as historic places. Based on the planting status, maintenance plans were established reflecting characteristics of each spaces: entry space, the precincts of a shrine, and flower stairs. As a result, we suggest that selecting a suitable plant species with regard to the religious meaning of the plant symbolism for newly designing Korean temple gardens.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.1-12
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• 2008

Perpose: The purpose of this study was to investigate the perception of death between Korean and Chinese nursing students. And it will help develop curriculum for preparing death, the quality of hospice care, as well as nursing education and practice. Methods: Data was collected from 492 nursing students participated(248 Korean and 244 Chinese) by questionnaire designed for examining Death Orientation (Thorson & Powell, 1988). They were analyzed using Cronbach's Alpha coefficients, factor analysis, t-test, ANOVA and regression analysis (SPSS; win 12.0 version) Results: More than half of the Korean nursing students followed a religion (58.5%) while the majority of Chinese nursing students did not follow a religion (93.9%). In the view of the afterlife, nursing students in China had two views. 'I really don't know what happens after a person dies (30.3%)' and ‘There is no afterlife and death is the end (29.5%)’. On the other hand the Korean nursing students’ answer were, 'After dying, a person goes to heaven or hell (27.3%)' and 'I really don't know what happens after a person dies. (22.9%)' The study also found that the average of 25 items in Death Orientation is 2.36points of nursing students in Korea and 2.50points of nursing students in China. This means that the concern, anxiety and fear were of the middle level for the Chinese Students and were higher than Korean students (t=3.51, p=.000). In the low factor of death orientation, those in Korea had higher 'anxiety of burden to family' than those in China (t=-3.50, p=.001). The nursing students in China had higher 'anxiety of the unknown (t=4.96, p=.000)', 'fear of suffering (t=6.88, p=.000), 'fear of extinction body and life (t=5.20, p=.000), 'fear of lost self-control(t=2.12, p=.034)', and 'anxiety of future existence and nonexistence (t=2.33, p=.020)' than those in Korea. There was no statistically significant difference for the 'concern of body and fear of identity lost' category. The death orientation of Korean nursing students had statistically significant differences according to age (t=3.20, p=.002), religion (t=2.56, p=.011), and afterlife (F=4.64, p=.000). The contribution of Death Orientation had a statistically significant difference, the afterlife variable (0.735, p=0.001). The death orientation of Chinese nursing students did not have any statistically significant differences. Conclusion: In conclusion, there were differences in death orientation between Korean and Chinese nursing students. In particular, those who believed in afterlife showed acceptance of death. The results of this study suggest that nursing curricula should include education program on death and spiritual nursing. Additional studies are needed to establish death education in China with careful considerations on Chinese policies, cultures and social systems.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.1-38
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• 2022

The aim of this research is to discover the value of peace conveyed by Haewon Sangsaeng, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence, as espoused by Holy Teacher Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山, 1871~1909) and to evaluate its modern significance. To the faithful, Jeungsan is seen as the Supreme God who descended into the world in the Late Joseon Dynasty in the year 1871. Until the time of His passing away into Heaven in 1909, He vastly saved the world and fulfilled the hopes of humankind by carrying out the fundamentally innovative Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (1901~1909) in the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. He has thereby been appraised as a great religious figure within religious and academic circles. Jeungsan's ideological contributions can be summarized into two main points. One is the concept of 'the Great Opening and the Later World,' which foreshadowed the liquidation of the old system of order and the arrival of a new world. The other contribution is the concept of 'the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence,' a fundamental principle meant to achieve human salvation and world peace. In this context, 'the Great Opening' is precisely a 'positivistic religious expression of peace,' and 'the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence' is the principle by which 'peace can be achieved in the world for all humankind.' In particular, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is a tenet within the doctrine of Daesoon Jinrihoe, and it is the main concept that forms the basis of Daesoon Thought. It can be said to be the core current that flows through Jeungsan's Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth. Nowadays, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is being discussed and cited in various ways in academic fields as well as in discourse on coexistence, mutual beneficence, and peace. The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is specifically based on observations of the structure of conflicts as observed throughout world history via global conflicts, regional conflicts, cultural conflicts, ideological conflicts, class conflicts, generational conflicts, racial conflicts, religious conflicts, and other such conflicts. That is why the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence is discussed in depth within academic settings wherein the nature of conflict-resolution is examined. Looking at the previous studies on this topic, those studies tended to focus on key concepts or concerns such as human beings, divine beings, the earthly paradise of the Later World, ideal societies, world peace, new principles of order, and lasting peace. In particular, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence has been presented as directly related to concepts such as love, coexistence, harmony, and peace for humankind and the world. Its significance has been applied to ethics, philosophy, order, and principles, and it has been understood as conveying values such as peace. Accordingly, this paper examines the ideological connections to the succession and establishment of Jeungsan's notion of the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence based on previous research, but further examines the value of peace communicated via the principles and ideas that pervade current discourse on the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence. I hope to thoroughly explore Haewon Sangsaeng in regards to its modern significance to the world and to humankind.