• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.50-64
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• 2007

• 유학연구
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• v.49
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• pp.1-23
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to examine the aspects and contents of the Nine Chinese Classics, especially those cited in the writings of women during the Chosun Dynasty. Considering that the foundation of the studies and political ideology in Chosun Dynasty is based on the Confucian scriptures and annotations, it is very important to look at how the Nine Chinese Classics were quoted and mentioned in the writings of Chosun women and to examine what their implications are. The main content of this paper is to take note of Queen Sohye's Naehoon to examine in what context the Nine Chinese Classics are quoted and read. Taking into consideration the historical context in which women's reading and knowledge activities were not welcome and the only books women had access to were women's discipline books, women's discipline books were not only just the text for disciplining women but also a mechanism for women to access Confucian scriptures. Through these discussions, the knowledge of traditional women can be re-examined and women can be established as the subject of recognition. By doing so, an opportunity is provided to expand the contents of Confucianism in Chosun Dynasty, which were centered on knowledge of male Confucian scholars until present. It may also address issues such as Chosun women's knowledge experience and activities of the Nine Chinese Classics, as well as the political desire of women inherent in them.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

This thesis examined interest and elucidation of Confucian scholars during the Chosun dynasty on the theory of self-cultivation. Taiji is the ultimate notion that surveys existence and value, however, the concern on the Taiji during the Chosun period lies more on the cultivation of mind. Confucian scholars understand the human world as a place for moral completion. Therefore, the self-cultivation theory of Confucianism rises against the disciplines of Taoism and Buddhism which are away from daily lives. And it also makes theoretical basis on the elucidation of Taiji distinguished from Taoist and Buddhist disciplines. The Confucian scholars in the Chosun dynasty saw Taiji as actual truth [實理] penetrating inside and outside and at the same time sincerity. On the discussion on "mind becomes Taiji[心爲太極]", they recognize taiji as a center supervising everything, human ultimate[人極], mind of the Way[道心]. The Confucian theory intending to comprehend tai-chi as a center of silent and stable mind, accepts methods of being calm, sitting in meditation, and breathing exercise at the time of before issuance[未發] This is reinterpreting the discipline methods of Taoism and Buddhism reasonably and including them as the parts of Confucian jing[敬] study.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.67-102
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• 2014

Yeoheon is a representative recluse and philosopher in the 17th Joseon dynasty. His contemporary intellectuals considered him as a sincere nobleman, Confucius in the Joseon, and moreover a saint, a cornerstone of culture, and a model for Confucianists. As a politician, he was regarded as practicing the stabilization of the people's livelihood and education, which are the key ideas of Confucian politics, when he serviced as a local governmental office twice. In addition, his ruler thought that he was right, wise, and modest, and therefore had the dignity of the old sage. His subordinates considered that he possessed the way of the old great ministers and the eye to see the current state of affairs. His theory of the Yijing is based on Cheng-Zhou learning, but developed their interpretation of the text. In addition, he discussed that Confucianism is a practical learning. His theory of the ritual was considered to follow Zhu Xi's works, but refer the old rituals and overcome the aspect of minor customs. His contemporary scholars thought that his theory of Neo-Confucianism revealed the essence of Li-Four and Qi-Seven theory regardless of scholarly parties, which were formed after Toegye and Yulgok. However, he proposed the Li-longitude and Qi-latitude theory in order to restore the real values, but it is similar to Yulgok's theory, which was criticized by the schools of Toegye and South Faction near Seoul. However, his theories revealed the fact that Joseon Confucianism cannot be simply differentiated as two major theories of "Centering on Li" and "Centering on Qi. In addition, his ideas of the universe and concern for the old showed that Joseon Confucianism is not just a theory, but is related to our lives and therefore practical in its nature.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.139-160
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• 2018

'Gyeokmulchiji' (格物致知), coming to knowledge based on the investigation of things) is a starting point for any study and politics of Confucianism. Much emphasis was placed on the conception of 'Gyeokchi' as a root of every learning and adminstration in the early Joseon period. As Confucianism established itself as a salient value system of the government, a mighty change and paradigm shift happened in its governmental system which had depended upon Buddhism up to that time. Thus, Confucian statecraft also stood out. Daehakyeonui (大學衍義) was preached as a model of regal learning and politics in the governmental agon, and its conceptual starting point was 'Gyeokchi.' The various interpretations and arguments about this concept shows the process in which Zhu Xi NeoConfucianism was deepened into Neo-Confucianism of Joseon's own. This conception reached the essence of 'Li' beyond the problem of cognitive subject and object, and provided a watershed which divided Giho (畿湖) and Yeongnam (嶺南) schools. Confucian method of study, which incorporates knowledge and practice, has great implications for our times when there are many voices of concern over humanities. The enhancement of universities and humanities is much needed to adjust the direction and pace of scientific technology, which is now entirely left with the logic of market. Accordingly, it is quite urgent for us to examine our object of learning again, which should integrate 'Sugi' (修己, cultivating oneself) with 'Chi-in' (治人, governing others), and knowledge with practice.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.297-328
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• 2021

This paper aims to find out from what perspective Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars evaluated and understood Yang Xiong's guiding principles and literature at the micro level and to reveal the academic trends of Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars. This topic is approached as follows: first, an evaluation of Yang Xiong's way of living as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang (the controversial Emperor of the short-lived Xin Dynasty)'; second, Yang Xiong's literary character and his literary works; third, Yang Xiong's writing style; and fourth, Yang Xiong's view of good and evil. These can be summarized in three main ways: One is to agree with Zhu Xi's criticism of Yang Xiong as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang' and dismiss his guiding principles, academic achievements, literature, and other accomplishments. Most of these negatives have been found in Confucian scholars who are especially enthusiastic about theology. Examples include Hong Jikpil, Wi Baekgyu, Kim Wonhaeng, and Lee Sangjeong. In the case of kings such as King Yeong-Jo, the assessment of Yang Xiong is quite similar. The following assessments of Yang Xiong are positive though. Positive assessments are presented from two different views. One is a balanced approach that covers both the positive and negative aspects of Yang Xiong. For example, Heo-Kyun's understanding. Another positive view can be analyzed from three perspectives. The first case is when the scholars assessing Yang Xiong were not deeply influenced by Zhu Xi's criticism of him. Seo Geojeong and Seong-Hyeon are examples. The second case are those that broke away from theology or adhered to Silhak [Practical Studies]. Yi-Ik is an example. Third, assessments from scholars who posited that truth was of a pluralistic nature. Jang-Yu is an example of such scholars. Regarding theories of human nature; however, there was consensus among Confucian scholars that Mengzi held that human nature is good, and thereby it was common to criticize Yang Xiong's theory that human nature was a mixture of good and evil. From an ideal micro perspective, Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars' different assessments of Yang Xiong show that their understanding and evaluation of Yang Xiong differed in accordance with their own differing worldviews and ideas.

• Archives of design research
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• v.18 no.2 s.60
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• pp.47-58
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• 2005

As a part of ${\square}$ project to discover Korean modern design and Korean modern an, this thesis is based on collaborated research with Musashino Art College about Teikoku Art College in Japan (renamed as Musashino Art School in 1948 and promoted as Musashino Art College in 1962) and Korean students of Teikoku Art College. In accepting modern art and design, Teikoku Art College. In accepting modern art and design, Teikoku Art College is important since most Koreans studied there to learn modern art and design. Especially, this focuses on activities of Korean students in Design (Zuan) program at Teikoku Art College and their relationships with professors to examine the influence of design study and acceptance through Teikoku Art College in Japan and the relationship with design education in Korean after the World War II. This research made it possible to renew the lists of 147 Korean students and 13 Korean students in Design (Zuan) program. Thus, this could be essential data to reconstruct the history of Korean modern design which has lacked basic documents.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.68
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• pp.237-281
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• 2017

This research aimed at investigating Kim Gyoshin's recognition on Korean traditional ideology and harmony of Christian idea and traditional idea through the writing and diary in "Bible Joseon". Kim Gyoshin expressed positive interest in Korean traditional idea and traditional religion, and intended to localize Christian belief through communicating with them. He expressed infinite respect for national cultural asset of Buddhism, intending to research Korean Buddhism. He paid utmost attention to Confucianism among traditional ideas. He had a strong affection for learning(好學), benevolence(仁義), conscience(良心) of Confucianism as patriotic character. He calmly practiced caution and solitary(愼獨) of sincere(誠), solemnity(敬) of Confucianism through his life, however he chose Christian belief by accepting atonement belief realizing human sinful nature fundamentally inherent in human being. He personally respected Confucius and lived after the model of him, however he searched the spirit of life to renew the people from Christianity. Academically, he respected Confucius, and believed in Jesus in religion. He highly evaluated the attitude of patriot(志士), which highly regarded the academic attitude of learning(好學) and benevolence(仁義), in this regard, criticized blind and non-intellectual belief. He had an open attitude toward Korean traditional idea with no prejudice. As human individuals have their own inherent moral value, he viewed that each people would have their inherent ethnicity and mission. He considered that Korean Peninsula where contradiction and yoke of the world history are inherent is the center of East Asia that would purify injustice of the world. He viewed that Korean people had owned their original good heart[仁] even before Buddhism and Confucianism had been transmitted to the country. He determined that Korean people were good people, who received goodness from the heaven. However, while Uchimura created Japanese style Christianity by adapting Japanese knighthood to Christian idea, Kim Gyoshin lacked sharp critical mind regarding how to establish Korean style Christianity by adapting which of Korean traditional idea to Christian idea.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.9-38
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• 2014

Hanhweon-dang Kim Goeng-pil(1454~1504) sublimated ethics whose lead was opened up by Jeong Mong-ju in late Goryeo as one scholarly tendency. Kim Goeng-pil was called 'the father of ethics in Joseon' and has been respected as a model of ethicist for 400 years since then. Following Kim Goeng-pil, Confucian scholars of Joseon cultivated perseverance through Xiaoxue and the perseverance was sublimated to Confucian scholars' energy and then that of state, which served as driving force to keep the national legacy. Kim Goeng-pil suggested how to study with Xiaoxue and sought moral human beings and ethically ideal societies based on strong practicability which is required in Xiaoxue. Individuals' cultivation and social reform are not at a different dimension. Spirit of 'self-cultivation' that Kim Goeng-pil himself demonstrated advanced to pursuit of ethical, ideal state when reaching a level of Jo Kwang-jo. Kim Goeng-pil thought that teaching in Xiaoxue could be achieved through 'Gyeong (敬, respect).' It is the key of Neo-Confucianism in Joseon to control one's mind through the cultivating method of 'Gyeong.' Kim Goeng-pil settled Joseon's Confucianism as 'practical ethics(心學).' Before Kim Goeng-pil, no scholars had well presented the aspects of practical ethics. After King Myeongjong and Seonjo, Confucianism in Joseon worked as the cornerstone of practical ethics. Since mid-17th century, the system of practical ethics had been firmly established with focus on 'Gyeong. Literary men of Kim Goeng-pil and scholars they fostered led the academic and political world of Joseon after mid-16th century. They played the lead in Sarim faction's(士林派) ruling after King Seonjo came to throne. The very foundation which sublimated Joseon to the ethically ideal state and made the Dynasty a 'state of Sarim' was actually laid by Kim Goeng-pil.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.35 no.1 s.392
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• pp.40-42
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• 2002