• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.182-205
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• 2023

The use of royal artificial flowers was finally found through schematics and records in Wonhaeng Eulmyojeongri Uigwe, which organized the procession to Hwaseong in 1795. The results of classifying the uses of artificial flowers in the brthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall in 1795 and considering the shape, user, and usage are as follows. According to literature records, artificial flowers were made with high-quality materials such as gold, silver, and silk thread in the early period, but were mainly made of paper in the later period. Artificial flowers were used for decorating official hats, Bongsudang Hall, and banquet tables. The Sagwonhwa was used for decoration of the official hats of members of the royal family, and the one on the top was called Eosam-Sagwonhwa. At the birthday banquet inBongsudang Hall, King Jeongjo and Hyegyeonggung used the Eosam-Sagwonhwa and put it on the right side of the official hats. Officials put peach blossom with two petals on the left side of the official hats for decoration. The artificial flowers for decoration of the official hats of musicians and dancers were more expensive and flashier than the officials' ones. Depending on the dance, several artificial flowers were inserted into the official hats. When measuring the size of artificial flowers, the scale used was when making a ceremonial article. For artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet hall, red and white peach blossoms were placed in two jars with dragons painted on them and them placed on two red-painted tables, respectively. The table and jar with flowers were tied together with a red cotton string and fixed so as not to fall over. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung, and the king's sisters were a large lotus, medium-sized lotus, peony, rose, and specially made peach flowers. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of guests and officials were small lotuses and peach blossoms. The artificial flowers used in the birthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall the most were peach blossoms, and peaches had the meaning of longevity and exorcism. It is expected that the above research results will be helpful in understanding the characteristics and usage of artificial flowers in the period of King Jeongjo and use in reproducing royal feasts and producing traditional cultural contents.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.141-194
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• 2018

The article is about Yong-Ho-Bi-Gyeol(龍虎秘訣), which is one of the most important Taoist text in Korea written by Jeong-Ryum, a Taoist and alchemist in the Chosun Dynasty. The article deals with the alchemical and psychological meanings of Yong-Ho (龍虎, Dragon-Tiger), the way of nurturing cinnabar (修丹之道), the closing of the qi (閉氣), the method of alchemical breathing, the Dantian (丹田, cinnabar-field), and the Mysterious Female's One Opening (玄牝一竅), in addition to the brief introduction of the life of Jeong-Ryum and the bibliography of the book. The Yong-Ho (龍虎) meaning the dragon and tiger is the archetype of transformation in the form of their opposites, rooted in the psychoid system of the human psyche. The unified Yong-Ho makes Dan and the Dan, literally indicating cinnabar, has many alchemical connotations such as Mercurius, the rubedo state of the alchemical process, and the philosopher's stone. In the book, Jeong-Ryum emphasized the slow and subtle way of breathing in and out of Dantian to develop neidan (内丹, inner cinnabar or inner alchemy). The refining of neidan begins by the closing of the qi, which symbolizes the radical introversion and withdrawal of all the projections on the outer objects. The Dantian located at the lower part of the abdomen has been known to preserve jing (精), the vital essence of life, which can be refined into qi and spirit (神). In Jungian perspective, the Dantian is a mandala where an individual's mind can stay and focus at the center of psyche detached from ego and related to the Self. The long-nurtured introverted energy makes the Mysterious Female's One Opening (玄牝一竅), a pit or cavity in the transcendental space, through which the meditator can have a relationship with the great female principle of the universe. The current article has introduced the contents of the Yong-Ho-Bi-Gyeol in the perspective of analytical psychology. However, it has not dealth with the remaining topics including Taesik (胎息, embryonic breathing) and Juchenhwahu (周天火候, the great Celestial circuit firing), due to the lack of author's sufficient knowledge and experience. The unexplored areas of Yong-Ho-Bi-Gyeol will be studied in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Navigation
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.77-91
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• 2001

According to the many ancient literatures, it is said to be that Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in unification Silla had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries, but unfortunately there is no definite records about this. Therefore in this study the writer would like to presume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo in a unification Silla. For the purpose of this study the writer would like to study the reference books and materials regarding to the sea routes of prehistoric age and ancient three countries of Kingdoms and unification Silla. Especially the writer consider “The Work of Routes and Kingdoms” of Ibn Khurdarhbih regarding to the ancient sea routes of Korea, China, Arab-Islam Countries, and also the writer consider the ancient sea routes of Tang Dynasty in China and Ryukyu Kingdom in Japan. About this methodology of this study, the writer believe that the sea routes of today is the results of ancient sea routes, and this ancient sea routes could not be changed forever except special circumstance. According in this study the writer would like to persume the sea routes of Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo using like this methodologies. This presumption of the writer is originated on the basis of The Work of Routes and Kingdoms written by ancient Arabian Geographer, Ibn Khurdadhbih in the early years of 9th century. The Work of Routes and Kingdoms is geography, and the principal contents of this geography are the activities of Arab-Islam merchants and Chinese Merchants between Arab-Islam countries and China from 9th century to 11th century by ancient sea routes. But surprisingly in this geography, Silla was marked, and another ancient Arabian geogrpher, Al-Biruni marked Silla on his map, Qanun Al-mas'udi in the 9th century, and also another ancient Arabian geographer, Al-Idrisi marked Silla on his map in the 11th century. Especially Al-Biruni expressed the longitude and latitude of Silla on his map, he expressed Silla as following. “at the extreme end of China toward the East and few people travelled to it by sea”. Therefore the writer would like to presume that Arab-Islam merchants had traded with unification Silla in the 9th century, and also Merchant Prince, Chang Pogo had traded with not only China, Japan but also Arab-Islam Countries using above ancient sea routes in the 9th century.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.49-57
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• 2020

Traditional landscape is a cultural asset left by Seonhyeon to modern society, and it can not only understand the landscape culture of ancient tradition but also provides / provided a new creative material for modern landscape designs / designed. However, it is well known that Korea and China have a relationship between the development and exchange of landscaping in a global background, the succession of traditional landscape architecture culture in a global background covers many dimensions, including protection, development and innovation, and that "traditional and modern" and "regionally and internationality" should be harmonized with each other. This study uses traditional Korean and Chinese landscaping buildings as research subjects to extract and organize related data through various channels, including basic literature research that understands the history and culture of the two countries. I interpreted the cultural backgrounds of the two countries by dividing them into religious ideas, traditional culture, and natural views, and highlighted the history of development and the relationship between the two countries. Based on this, it analyzed the differences created by traditional landscaping between Korea and China, and also specifically analyzed the "creation of righteous army" and "the law of righteous army." In particular, this study sought to inherit and innovate traditional landscape culture for the internationalization of "One Belt, One Road" based on the characteristics of Korea and China's landscape through a comparative analysis of the construction elements and methods of Yihwawon of the Ming and Qing periods and Gyeongbokgung Palace of the Joseon Dynasty on the theoretical background of landscaping and the significance of landscaping. The direction for the development and exchange with landscaping between the two countries was presented in line with the development trend of Korea-China landscaping in the global environment. In the future, the development of landscaping between the two countries is expected to be key to international cooperation in traditional culture, creative combination of local characteristics, creation of a harmonious landscape architecture environment, and co-prosperity of various cultures.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.46
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• pp.195-237
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• 2014

Palsapum are ornaments to reveal the purpose of commander of three naval forces as well as symbols to remember the greatness of admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. In 1966, ther were designated as a treasure No. 440 based on their value; however, they have not received attention from academia because they are relics from China. This study compares and analyzes the document, paintings, and relevant references from Korea and China focusing on Palsapum, understands their formal characteristics, and examines their historical value such as years and location of creation. As a result, the study determines five of them are original, but three of them were newly created by the later generations. The five, Dodogin (都督印, Commander's seal)·Yeongpae (令牌, Commander's tablet)·Gwido (鬼刀, Replica of the devil sword)·Chamdo (斬刀, Replica of the decapitation swor d)·and Gognapal (bugle) were created by Ming Dynasty before 1598, and delivered by the hands of General Chen Lin. The other three, Dokjeongi (督戰 旗, Battle flag)·Hongsoryeonggi (紅小令旗, Commander's flag)·and Namsoryeonggi (藍小令旗, Commander's flag), were created in 19th century by Joseon Dynasty. After analysis on the former relics, the study determines that they are not official relics with the dignity of Ming Dynasty but personal relics with regional characteristics; in other words, Palsamun are not the royal gifts from Emperor Shenzong to Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. but personal momentoes left by General Chen Lin in the Tongjeyoung to celebrate the admiral. The names, variety, numbers, and appurtenances of Palsapum have been changed with time as follows. First, the scholars of Jeseon in 17the century only focused on Dodogin. It was certainly created in Ming Dynasty; however, it was a personal stamp, so considered to be not from the emperor but from General Chen Lin. Second, Palsapum was called Palsamul and consisted of 14 pieces of 8 kinds in 18the century, ; it is confirmed on the 「Dosul(圖說, stories with pictures of」 『Yi Chungmugong Literary Collection』 The sizes of five relics including Dodogin are similar to the records, but their patterns and shapes are exotic, or cannot be found in Joseon. Thus, they reflect the regional characteristics of Guangdong province. Third, they were called Palsapum, and consisted on 15 pieces of 8 kinds in 19th century; it is confirmed on , a sixteen-fold folding screen drawn by Shin, Gwan-Ho in 1861. The stamp box, tablet bag, and three flags were newly created to engrave Joseon style letters and patterns on damageable materials such as leather and cloth. The relics easy to be destroyed have been renewed even after 19th century. Last, there are many misunderstandings about Palsapum by governmental indifference and improper management of records even though they were designated as a treasure in very early times. Thus, authorities should be concerned with Palsapum to provide the measures for stable maintenance of the relics; this will let people remember not only the history of cooperation between Korea and China to stop the Japanese ambition, but also Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin and General Chen Lin to bring victory in Japanese invasions of Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.37
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• pp.5-37
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• 2004

A wooden coffin has been given academic attention in Kaya(伽倻), due to the place the stage of Samhan society appropriately in the development of ancient korea history. Special attention must be paid on Dohang-Ri(道項里) woden coffin, since it is expected to explain the origin of Arakaya(阿羅伽倻) in the region of southen korea peninsula. Dohang-Ri wooden coffin is become generally knowen two types, and complete its unique feature in Chin-Han(辰韓) and Byun-Han(弁韓). Recently the fact that Dohang-Ri wooden coffin is discovered only in the king tombs of Chang Won Daho-Ri(昌原茶戶里) and it is remarkable of political connection between Kuya-Kuk (狗邪國) and Anya-Kuk(安邪國). Various ironware unearth of Dohang-Ri has seen similar to that from Daho-Ri, but it has not bronze mirror be maid Chines, symbol with dignity of social position in the ruling ciass. It seems that political unit of Daho-Ri is advanced sociaity and central force than Dohang-Ri in the Byun-Han. The later of two century, I have a think about wooden coffin changes the wooden chamble of Dohang-Ri and Daho-Ri that it go out of sight at AD.2 century. Becouse of possitive achaelogical sites has not confirm, it request radical interpretaion. I inference to accordingly to the it appearance connected of the wars between the eight country of southen regins in korea peninsula at the first half of AD.3 cencury. Exactly, the politial units of Dohang-Ri and Daho-Ri has concentration of trade in Racdong river(洛東江) and Nam river(南江) water system and that give form to coexistence system of economic and political mutuality.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.26-44
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• 2017

Regarded as Korea's traditional pond, Gungnamj Pond was surmised to be "Gungnamji" due to its geological positioning in the south of Hwajisan (花枝山) and relics of the Gwanbuk-ri (官北里) suspected of being components to the historical records of Muwang (武王)'s pond of The Chronicles of the Three States [三國史記] and Sabi Palace, respectively, yet was subjected to a restoration following a designation to national historic site. This study is focused on the distortion of authenticity identified in the course of the "Gungnamji Pond" restoration and the invention of tradition, whose summarized conclusions are as follows. 1. Once called Maraebangjuk (마래방죽), or Macheonji (馬川池) Pond, Gungnamji Pond was existent in the form of a low-level swamp of vast area encompassing 30,000 pyeong during the Japanese colonial period. Hong, Sa-jun, who played a leading role in the restoration of "Gungnamji Pond," said that even during the 1940s, the remains of the island and stone facilities suspected of being the relics of Gungnamji Pond of the Baekje period were found, and that the traces of forming a royal palace and garden were discovered on top of them. Hong, Sa-jun also expressed an opinion of establishing a parallel between "Gungnamji Pond" and "Maraebangjuk" in connection with a 'tale of Seodong [薯童說話]' in the aftermath of the detached palace of Hwajisan, which ultimately operated as a theoretical ground for the restoration of Gungnamj Pond. Assessing through Hong, Sa-jun's sketch, the form and scale of Maraebangjuk were visible, of which the form was in close proximity to that photographed during the Japanese colonial period. 2. The minimized restoration of Gungnamji Pond faced deterrence for the land redevelopment project implemented in the 1960s, and the remainder of the land size is an attestment. The fundamental problem manifest in the restoration of Gungnamji Pond numerously attempted from 1964 through 1967 was the failure of basing the restorative work in the archaeological facts yet in the perspective of the latest generations, ultimately yielding a replication of Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. More specifically, the methodologies employed in setting an island and a pavilion within a pond, or bridging an island with a land evidenced as to how Gungnamji Pond was modeled after Hyangwonji Pond of Gyeongbok Palace. Furthermore, Chihyanggyo (醉香橋) Bridge referenced in the designing of the bridge was hardly conceived as a form indigenous to the Joseon Dynasty, whose motivation and idea of the misguided restoration design at the time all the more devaluated Gungnamji Pond. Such an utterly pure replication of the design widely known as an ingredient for the traditional landscape was purposive towards the aesthetic symbolism and preference retained by Gyeongbok Palace, which was intended to entitle Gungnamji Pond to a physical status of the value in par with that of Gyeongbok Palace. 3. For its detachment to the authenticity as a historical site since its origin, Gungnamji Pond represented distortions of the landscape beauty and tradition even through the restorative process. The restorative process for such a historical monument, devoid of constructive use and certain of distortion, maintains extreme intimacy with the nationalistic cultural policy promoted by the Park, Jeong-hee regime through the 1960s and 1970s. In the context of the "manipulated discussions of tradition," the Park's cultural policy transformed the citizens' recollection into an idealized form of the past, further magnifying it at best. Consequently, many of the historical sites emerged as fancy and grand as they possibly could beyond their status quo across the nation, and "Gungnamji Pond" was a victim to this monopolistic government-led cultural policy incrementally sweeping away with new buildings and structures instituted regardless of their original space, and hence, their value.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.73-107
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• 2012

Yeoheon Jang Hyeongwang(1554-1637), one of the greatest Mid-Joseon Confucianists did systematic studies on universe and nature. It can be considered that he inherited the academic tradition of Cho Sik (曺植) and Jeong Gu(鄭逑) and followed their steps of fengshui (風水) and compilation of geographical records. His living and thought and deserve researching with regard to geographical studies. This paper attempts to analyze Yeoheon's recognition of geography in general. In other words, I shall prove that his view of geography is Neo-Confucian. At the same time, I shall discuss how he named people's residence, how he understanded the Joseon territory, what he thought about fengshui, and what significance the complication of geographical records by his disciples had. Yeoheon considered that land is composed of water, fire, earth, and rock, and understanded the land according to the theory of Zhouyi (周易). He analyzed geographic environments by the system of Zhouyi. His study of geography is basically intended for practical use, and as a result is necessary for people to choose where to live and where to cultivate. In his opinion, it is essential to divide the land of the Joseon by means of geographical differences in order to help people to find a better place to live. We can see his Confucian view from the fact that he placed a greater emphasis on human beings over nature. Therefore, the practical use for humans is the first priority in his study of geography. Meanwhile, he considered nature itself as only the object of study. He realized the vitality of life by making a close observation of nature and attained the mind of the Heaven and Earth in a detached way. He, as a follower of Neo-Confucianism, enjoyed the land by feeling comfortable with his present status and by being satisfied with himself. He put his Confucian view of universe and world into practice in his life. As a part of his efforts, he named his residence and surrounding natural environments with the polar star and 28 stars, and accordingly they are reconstructed in a system of universe. The Confucian tradition of dongcheon gugok (洞天九曲) starting with Zhu Xi's administration of wuyi jiugu (武夷九曲) was widely prevalent during the Joseon period, but Yeoheon's system of organizing places is original. His sense of naming places reflects his ideas of following his predecessors, comparing natural objects to human emotions, and desiring to live in retirement. Yeoheon understanded the Joseon territory with comparison of the Chinese land. He expressed his knowledge in the form of changing geographical features of a district, appreciating natural beauty, locating towns, and being familiar with a region, and proposing his own climatology and view of the reality. His recognition of the Joseon territory resolves itself into the following several points. He regarded the Joseon territory as one organism, and considered the territory to be composed of ki (氣) as Neo-Confucianists usually do. In addition, he understanded not only natural environments but also towns from a perspective of the fengshui and adopted a comparative methodology in dividing regions. He also applied climatology to analyze persons and customs. He employed the methodology of fengshui from the comprehensive theory of the Yijing. It is because he was influenced by Cho Sik and Jeng Gu. Yeoheon chose dwelling places for people, or gave advice on several places of his hometown relying on his knowledge of fengshui. When it comes to his theory of fengshui, he agreed with the theory of topography with regards to the fengshui of tombs, but criticized the custom of delaying funerals in order to turn fortune in one's favor. In addition, he accepted that it is necessary to complement a town by creating forests around it. We need to pay attention to the fact that Yeoheon's disciples complied several geographical records. It proves that they inherited the tradition of "valuing practical use and governing on behalf of the people" from Cho Sik and Jeong Gu. Yeoheon put a great emphasis on geographical records and encouraged his disciples to compile them. In other words, he emphasized that they, as administrator or intellectual, need to be erudite in the history and custom of a region where they have lived, and have to establish a standard to encourage or warn people in the region while considering the geographical records. His opinion functioned as a guideline for his successors to compile geographical records later. This paper only analyzed several facts with regard to Yeoheon's knowledge of geography and an academic tradition concerning the study of geography. In the future, I shall discuss how his predecessors and successors understanded geography and how the tradition of compiling geographical records was transferred and developed between them. I believe that this study will contribute to establishing the history of geography, which the Joseon Confucianists researched for a long time but we have not paid an enough attention to until now.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.127-142
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• 2018

Ttukseom was once a suburban area that had a government horse ranch for national use and a naenogpo (area of royal farm land). During the Japanese colonial period, a pleasure ground was built at Ttukseom, and after independence, it has been used as a park through the process of urbanization. This study examines the creation of the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground and the process through which the pleasure ground were transformed to a park. This study also explores its landscape and cultural aspects. In the 1930s, Gyeongseonggwedo (京城軌道), a private railway company, built a pleasure ground at Ttukseom to attract passengers, according to the business model of Japanese railway companies, in which recreational areas were developed near railway routes. Mass media portrayed this area as a "rural landscape" in contrast to the city. The Ttukseom Pleasure Ground emerged as a popular summer resort for Gyeongseong citizens. At the same time, it was managed by Gyeongseongbu (京城府). The city of Seoul began to manage the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground following independence, and development plans for Ttukseom as a pleasure ground or a park were continuously drafted but never implemented. Even after Korea's independence, the operation and use of the pleasure ground did not change significantly from the colonial era. In the late 1980s, the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground became the Ttukseom Han River Citizen's Park, and the sandy beach of the Han River was removed. Nonetheless, the previous facilities and major activities such as an open-air swimming pool, camp ground, and areas for boat recreation remained as major park programs. When the urbanization of Ttukseom was completed, its idyllic image disappeared and it became a park instead of a pleasure ground. Since parks expand their programs, it can be concluded that by providing those kinds of programs, the Ttukseom Pleasure Ground transformed to a park.