• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.37-83
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• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.39
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• pp.74-102
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• 1999

The integrated global economic system have intensed Liberalization, dereguration, privatization. National states were subordinated in global economic system. To save social costs and to encourage the national competition power, the globalized market tends to reduce the domestic social expention. Truely anxious things are not the defectiveness of capitalism itself but neo-liberal measures of each national states. So neo-liberal globalization beat welfare states. Welfare and growth, accumulation and justice are inter-conflict elements, and these confliction is well explained in context of globalization. Stratigies of growth pursuing economic benefits subordinate social policy in economic policy. Globalization did not always reduce the power of national state, but each national states purposely reduce the power of state and state participations. Thus Globalization can be overcome and must be overcome, eventually, the history of social welfare in korea differ frome that of European states. Their's social welfare retrenchment have based on the excessly expeneded welfare provision, but the frame of social welfare in korea is not yet established in history. Fundamentally historic experiences between European and korean social welfare are different. So "the third way" in korea must be in carefull approaches and the social welfare policy in korea must purchase "anti-market policy" and the equal distribution.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.88-118
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• 2014

This study attempted to clarify (1) the meaning of 'people's livelihood (Minsaeng, 民生)' conveyed by the newspapers in Korean society and the specific matter it refers to, and (2) consider the discourse formed by the newspapers and what does and does not change in that discourse over the passage of time. Editorials were classified and analyzed based on the framework of Fairclough's critical discourse analysis(CDA). It was clear, from the political perspective, that the discourse was respectively formed and changed for each administration. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' was critical and at the same time generally negative, because it dealt with the important social incidents or controversies of the time. The discourse on 'people's livelihood' related to the massive social streams of Korea's democratization and globalization process. Whereas the discourse on 'people's livelihood' in the 1990s, seen from an economic perspective, tried to resolve labor strikes, inflation rate, housing problem, and financial crisis. The discourse in the 2000s changed to issues ranging from economic growth and distribution to bi-polarization problem, job creation, abolishment of non-regular employments, etc. The meaning of 'people's livelihood' produced in the editorials of the major daily newspapers is different from the word's dictionary definition as 'the people's lives'.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.41
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• pp.67-96
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• 2014

Today each country in the world goes beyond the narrow concept of national security that was limited to national defense and ideology and are entering multi-dimensional global system mainly based on economic profits. Nevertheless, conflicts between nations due to religious and ideological reasons have brought unprecedentedly intense disputes Security services for head of states have been an important national mission in every era and society. However, they are becoming a main target for assassination and attacks by terrorists. Attacks on the head of state and other VIPs can cause aftermath ranging from war to conflict situation, political crisis, and economic loss. Therefore this study aims to draw insights by comparing protective security units of Korea, the U.S., and Japan which have different legal basis and sociocultural characteristics. Especially in South Korea, which faces difficult diplomatic stance due to the tension with North Korea and relationship with other countries such as the U.S., China, and Russia as well as polarization between classes, generations, regions, and ideologies, cohesion among members of society has weakened and hatred toward the head of state has been brought, which emphasizes the important of national security services. Therefore the study of protective security units and its operation by comparison between neighboring countries will be able to bring insights on the promotion of the security service.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.443-470
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• 2003

This study is to consider economic, political, socio-cultural and environmental characteristics of the new urbanization process and its spatial structures and urban policy of Seoul in the 1990s. Some experimental findings which have been identified throughout this study can be summarized as follows. First of all, Seoul, the largest city in S.Korea has experienced a restructuring process of economy, which has been promoted by the development of producer services as well as knowledge- based or high tech industries. Secondly, the autonomy of Seoul has increased after the introduction of local self-government, with relatively higher self-management of local finance than other cities, strengthening the tendency of enterpreneurialism, empowering civil movements, and increasing the political participation of women. Thirdly, in the socio-cultural aspect, the material wants to gain a certain identity through consumption, using urban environments culturally, varying consuming attitudes and ways of leisure times in relation with the rapid development of transportation and information communication. Fourthly, in the environmental aspect, Seoul has tried to introduce the concept of sustainable development in terms of increasing wants on the quality of life, and to develop a pro-environmental eco-city with environmental rehabilitation, constructing green space and eco-park. Finally, in the spatial dimension, Seoul has shown a structuration of multi-centers, with highly spectacular urban landscapes and seemingly authentic urban planning. These results make us confirm that Seoul has been in the process of new urbanization which can be distinguished from the previous one.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.258-273
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• 2019

Bilbao, Spain, made a mark as a example of the regional revitalization by culture and tourism. Korean Government have a perspective that culture and tourism could be an alternative to the regional crisis of manufacturing in 2018. The main purpose of this study is to analyze the locational specificity and the revival strategies for the regional development of Bilbao in a structural context. This could provide implications to the regional crisis of Korea. The main results are summarized as follows. Firstly, the local government of Bilbao has taken an active role, using not only its political and financial autonomy but also its locational advantage as an important nodal region of transnational trade networks in Europe. Secondly, Bilbao was able to sustain its regional revitalization initiatives for a long period by facilitating public-private partnership system. Finally, despite the effectiveness of the mega project and place marketing, low job security and the polarization of the service sector have emerged as a problem at the same time. Still, the deindustrialization of Bilbao could be possible due to the various services including knowledge-based services and financial services as well as culture and tourism.

• Journal of Venture Innovation
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.179-189
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• 2022

In the face of revolutionary changes in industry, the relationship between labor and income needs to be reconceptualized in the period of social revolution. The absolute decrease in labor due to the absence of labor is caused by automation, smartization, AI, robot labor, etc., which we must accept whether we want to or not. However, while gross social product and capital of the state or society increase, individual income is likely to decrease. During this transformation period, the state or politics must prepare for the problems caused by the decline in individual income. Until now, there have been various levels of discussion on social welfare or social security from the perspective of welfare or assistance. Attempts or studies at the experimental level have been conducted at the level of many countries or local governments and have found positive and negative effects. There is no basic income system that is widely implemented at the national level, and various discussions are taking place from a future-oriented perspective. Therefore, I propose to look at it from a new perspective based on the perspective so far. We explored that it is part of a positive approach to examine the importance and necessity of basic income in terms of working hours, quality of labor, income, quality of life, value of spare time, and work-life balance. The goal is to actively accept the absolute lack of working hours, replacement of mechanical labor, and polarization due to changes in the industry paradigm, and to look at the problems that come from a positive perspective. If we are going to accept it anyway, we should not look at these issues as short-sighted, but prepare them preemptively and establish a primitive plan from a long-term and overall perspective. Smartphones have changed the world over the past decade and have been lost, but wouldn't there be a lot of new discoveries? Shouldn't we think of it as a great opportunity to improve the quality of life through technological changes?

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.43
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• pp.67-102
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to analyze the human rights found in the North Korean Constitution and their core problem by focusing on elements of human rights suggested by Daesoon Jinrihoe's doctrine of Haewon-sangsaeng (解冤相生 the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence). Haewon-sangsaeng is seemingly the only natural law that could resolve human resentment lingering from the Mutual Contention of the Former World while leading humans work for the betterment of one another. Haewon-sangsaeng, as a natural law, includes the right to life, the right to autonomous decision-making, and duty to act according to human dignity (physical freedom, the freedom of conscience, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of press, etc.), the right to equal treatment in one's social environment, and the right to ensure the highest level of health through treatment. The North Korean Constitution does not have a character as an institutional device to guarantee natural human rights, the fundamental principle of the Constitution, and stipulates the right of revolutionary warriors to defend dictators and dictatorships. The right to life is specified so that an individual's life belongs to the life of the group according to their socio-political theory of life. Rights to freedom are stipulated to prioritize group interests over individual interests in accordance with the principle of collectivism. The right to equality and the right to health justify discrimination through class discrimination. The right to life provided to North Koreans is not guaranteed due to the death penalty system found within the North Korean Criminal Code and the Criminal Code Supplementary Provisions. The North Korean regime deprives North Koreans of their right to die with dignity through public executions. The North Korean regime places due process under the direction of the Korea Worker's Party, recognizes religion as superstition or opium, and the Korea Worker's Party acknowledge the freedoms of bodily autonomy, religion, media, or press. North Koreans are classified according to their status, and their rights to equality are not guaranteed because they are forced to live a pre-modern lifestyle according to the patriarchal order. In addition, health rights are not guaranteed due biased availability selection and accessibility in the medical field as well as the frequent shortages of free treatments.