• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.79-115
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• 2021

Voters' negative evaluations of government performance lower their trust in government, which functions as the reward and punishment for the government. Trust in government thus serves to promote political accountability of the representative government. However, voters build their confidence toward the party government where the ruling party is responsible for the performance. Considering this partisan nature, we empirically examine that the influence of voters' performance evaluations on governmental trust is conditional on their party identifications. While higher perceptions of political/social conflict and increasing negative evaluations of government policies and economic performance are associated with the lower level of confidence in government, the relationship is contrasted between different party identifiers. For supporters of the ruling party in 2020, the negative evaluations of government performance are not likely to reduce trust in government a lot. On the contrary, those who identify with the main opposition party show the most prominent effect of negative evaluations on their distrust in government. This study demonstrates that trust in government is affected by voters' partisan preferences, not entirely by evaluations of government performance. Such a distortion of the reward and sanction function of governmental trust might lead to the weakening of the accountability mechanism in representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.103-128
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• 2006

The present study investigated individuals' perception of important social issues in Korea. Based on previous research(Hahn, 1994; Hahn & Kang, 2000), a checklist containing 370 social issues was created. This checklist was administered to 1600 Koreans(812 college students, 788 adults) residing in 5 regional areas in Korea during the period of December 2004 and February 2005. Data were analyzed by the respondents' age, sex, and residing areas, and findings were compared to those of the two previous studies conducted in 1994 and 1999. Major findings of the study are as follows. First, across the three surveys, over 50% of the respondents consistently indicated the following four items as important social issues in the Korean society: political corruption, environmental pollution, the education system that is driven too much for college entrance, employment difficulty for local college graduates. Second, more than 50% of the respondents in the current survey indicated the following 12 items as important social issues that must be resolved: high unemployment rate, political corruption, environmental pollution, education system, overall difficulty of getting jobs, the nation's distrust in politics, hardships of life among the working classes, political incompetence, people with defective personal credit standings, employment difficulty for local college graduates, political instability, corruption of public servants. Third, analyses on the top 30 social issues across the three surveys revealed a positive and significant rank-order correlation for a five-year period(i.e., 1994-1999, 1999-2004), but not for a ten-year period(i.e., 1994-2004). Implications of the study and directions for future research are discussed.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.75-96
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• 2017

The present research investigated the psychological nature of low levels of trust in Korean society and the role of family expansionism, a cultural psychological factor, in this phenomenon. Specifically, we examined the possibility that Koreans' distrust toward social system is, at least partially, due to high standards for trust, which might be closely related to Koreans' cultural characteristic of family expansionism. In Study 1, the relations between levels of family expansionism, trust standards, and actual levels of trust for parents, judiciary, and politicians were examined among 540 Korean adults. In Study 2, we manipulated levels of family expansionism to examine its effect on trust standards. Results showed that trust standards were higher for politicians than parents. Participants' trust standards for politics were unrealistically high, especially on the responsibility factor. Actual levels of trust for judiciary and politicians were low when the trust standards for these targets relative to trust standards for parents were high. Moreover, the trust standards and levels of trust for judiciary and politicians (relative to those for parents) were positively correlated to levels of family expansionism. In other words, higher levels of family expansionism were linked to higher trust standards and levels of distrust for judiciary and politicians. In addition, Study 2 results showed that trust standards became high when family expansionism was induced. Unlike previous studies which focused on causes of low levels of trust while assuming that Korean society itself is a low trust society, the present research investigated the underlying mechanism behind the seemingly low trust in Korean society.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.63-68
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• 2017

The Jasmine Revolution started from Tunisia in January 2011 has brought many changes into countries in North Africa and Middle East. We need to study the causes of the revolution. First, the kings and dictators in those countries oppressed the opposition parties and the media aiming for long-term seizure of power. The power concentrated on specific people produced illegalities and corruption. Secondly, most of the national income of those countries belonged to kings and dictators producing problems during the distribution of the income. Especially, with the decrease of oil price in 1990s and the increase of the price of daily necessities in 2000s people lost their credits on their governments. Lastly, the number of people in those countries using the Internet has increased by 4,863% from 2000 to 2010. The expansion of social network services such as Facebook and Twitter was one of factors that made the information control by those countries difficult. We should think about the possibility of sudden change in North Korea. It is necessary to compare and analyze the political, economic and social characteristics between those countries and North Korea. It shouldn't be just a simple comparison or analysis. It should provide basic data for objective and quantified index development in relation to sudden change in North Korea.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.393-410
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• 2016

This paper examines why Japan's nation branding strategy is not working in South Korea in spite of expanding relations between Korea and Japan. Japan has successfully managed its national reputation, which altered its image around the world. However, Japan's nation-image in South Korea has not kept up with its efforts internationally. Political and economic interactions between Korea and Japan have increased throughout the past decades since the normalization of diplomatic relations in 1965. Also, the normalization of cultural-social relations emerged after the Korean government policy restricting Japanese popular culture was removed in the 1990s and overseas travel was liberalized in 1989. In spite of the improvement in politico-cultural-social relations, trust-building efforts still stagnate between the two countries. This paper discusses the reasons behind this phenomenon and provides some suggestions to solve this issue.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.221-244
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• 2019

This paper attempts to analyze the role of Nigeria's current President Major (Rtd) Mahammudu Buhari and the immediate past President Goodluck Jonathan in dealing with the Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria. Nigeria has not been without its fair share of conflict. In fact, no decade of post-Independent Nigeria has been conflict free. With several coups, general strikes and a civil war, Nigerians have had to experience some of the most sordid tragedies arising from difference of opinions and distrust. It is interesting to mention that the conflict in Nigeria has not received the needed attention as it were. The leadership of Goodluck Jonathan did not receive the same effort and cooperation as compared to Muhammadu Buhari who came into office in May 2015. This paper argues the important roles played by the two Nigerian leaders which either aided or prevented collaboration. Goodluck Jonathan was perceived as a weak and indecisive leader whose leadership failed to effectively handle the Boko Haram insurgency. Muhammadu Buhari assumed office with a lot of high hopes and expectations from the Nigerian population and the international community to tackle the Boko Haram insurgency.

• Journal of Venture Innovation
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.177-195
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• 2020

This paper discusses the reasons why a disparity in commitment to charitable giving exists between two regions : the East and the West. In explaining the regional difference, this paper particularly focuses on the social, economic, and political factors forming the trend?for instance, Asians' deep-rooted distrust in charity foundations and the lack of government policies incentivizing philanthropic giving in Asia. After analyzing why and how significantly Asia lags behind in charity compared to other parts of the globe, the paper proves that "creative destruction" is needed in the Asian philanthropy market. Additionally, this paper shows that it is an opportune time for an innovative start-up to introduce a new form of technology, an easy-to-access application with registered partnership foundations, thereby introducing creative destruction in the culture of charity in Asia. This paper finally examines the obstacles this start-up may face as it tries to grow into a monopoly and the socio-political implications it may bring to the world.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.41
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• pp.67-96
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• 2014

Today each country in the world goes beyond the narrow concept of national security that was limited to national defense and ideology and are entering multi-dimensional global system mainly based on economic profits. Nevertheless, conflicts between nations due to religious and ideological reasons have brought unprecedentedly intense disputes Security services for head of states have been an important national mission in every era and society. However, they are becoming a main target for assassination and attacks by terrorists. Attacks on the head of state and other VIPs can cause aftermath ranging from war to conflict situation, political crisis, and economic loss. Therefore this study aims to draw insights by comparing protective security units of Korea, the U.S., and Japan which have different legal basis and sociocultural characteristics. Especially in South Korea, which faces difficult diplomatic stance due to the tension with North Korea and relationship with other countries such as the U.S., China, and Russia as well as polarization between classes, generations, regions, and ideologies, cohesion among members of society has weakened and hatred toward the head of state has been brought, which emphasizes the important of national security services. Therefore the study of protective security units and its operation by comparison between neighboring countries will be able to bring insights on the promotion of the security service.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.87-130
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• 2019

This paper aims to analyze the recent progress(current situation) and tasks of arms control in North and South Korea. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; recent progress(current situation) of arms control in South and North Korea; constraints and tasks of arms control on the Korean peninsula; and conclusion. One of the most important tasks for the establishment of a peace structure for the coexistence of the Korean people in the 21st century is the realization of military control in order to resolve the acute military confrontation situation and mutual threats. With the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, the North-South summit and the subsequent talks for peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korea-US summit, and subsequent talks are creating conditions for trust building and arms control between the two Koreas. The military trust between the two Koreas and operational arms control are being achieved through the declaration of the April 27 Panmunjom and the 'Military Agreement for the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration.' However, since there are constraints on the control of arms control, such as the persistence of hostility and distrust of the two Koreas, the defense treaty between the two Koreas and neighboring countries, the competition of neighboring countries and the complex interests of the Korean peninsula, Trust Building is important. We should resolve the issue of arms control between the two Koreas, taking into account the trend of international arms control over the internal and external dynamics of the Korean peninsula gradually and carefully, with a vision of long-term unification security.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.91-119
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• 2005

This study examines the perception and trust of Korean society and people among students and adults using the indigenous psychological analysis. A matched sample of 1,107 participants, consisting of 369 students, their mothers and their fathers completed a questionnaire developed by the present researchers. The results indicate that parents more likely than adolescents to hold negative views of Korean society. Adults are more likely than adolescents to view Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism, to be insecure, to be conservative, to be corrupt, and to have social inequities. Both groups agree that Korean society is not rational nor democratic, but believe that it has the potential for progress. Second, parents are more likely to hold negative views about Korean people. Adults are more likely than adolescents of viewing Korean people as overly conscious about social face, emotional, selfish, exclusionary, and conceited. Both adolescents and their parents agree that Koreans are cooperative, full of jung (deep affection and attachment), and sincere. Third, adults are less likely to trust Korean institutions than adolescents. Adults are less likely than adolescents to trust National Assembly, political parties, and unions. Adolescents are more likely than their parents to trust family members, school friends, teachers, and government employees. These results indicate that adolescents have higher trust of Korean society and people than their parents. Fifth, the overall results indicate that both group perceive Korean society as showing high ingroup favoritism and corruption. In terms of Korean people, respondents had a more balanced view of perceiving them as highly sensitive to social face and being emotional, while also perceiving them as cooperative and full of jung. The trust of Korean institutions were generally low, especially the National Assembly and political parties. However, the trust of family was very high, followed by trust of school friends and teachers. The trust of government employees was low and this was especially the case for politicians.