• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.301-332
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• 2009

The 16 century Yulgok had lived have been evaluated as the golden age of Seonglihak(性理學) in Korea. However, on the contrary, excessively desperate was the real social and political situation which Yulgok had descirbed. Therefore, eventhhough the Seonglihak centered-reseach is meaningful, this research had the limitation in analyzing the politics in those times. In studying Yulgok's thought, the established researches had focused on philosophic theory centered-orientation. However escaping from that orientation, in this essay I try to restructure Yulgok's enlivened political experience that he had worldly seen, felt, heard and performed in 16th's real politics. While the established researches had absorbed in Kyeonghak(經學, the interpretaion of Confucian Cannon), I try to restore Kyeongse(經世, governing and managing the state) based on Yulgok's worldly political experience. The major concept on which I have focused is Pye(弊, the abnoxious custiom in political and official sphere). Yulgok's offical life had begun with the problematic of how to overcome Pye inherited by Kwongan(權奸, a politically villainous retainer). In the process, he had focused on the worldly performable issue, Minsaeng(民生, the livelihood of the people), not on the abstract and theoritical concept, Min(民, the people). He recognized the cause of desperate situation had resulted from Pyebeob(弊法, the obnoxious law, its system and its execution), and tried to reform Pyebeob in the various way. The next concern of Yulgok came to Pyejeong(弊政, the obnoxious politics, its system and its execution), which interrupted not to reform Pyebeob. According to Yulgok, Pyejeong resulted from the wrong fulfilment of official-scholar elite in government, and the distorted public opinion in governemt. This fact demonstrates two elements mentioned above had common root of the absence of communication of public opinion. Yulgok recognized the importance of Ui(議, the discussion) than of Ron(論, the dabate) and then reviving Ui, Yulgok had tried to arrange the foundation for the communication of public opinion in political sphere.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.9-11
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• 1995

1992년6월, 브라질의 Rio de Janeiro에서는 세계인의 관심속에 '환경과 개발을 위한 국제연합 환경회의'가 개최되었다. 이 회의는 세계 1백78개국에서는 1만 5천여명 이상의 대표들과 1백15개국의 정치지도자들이 직접 참여한, 당시까지 열렸던 최대규모의 국제 환경회의였다. 리우회의가 이처럼 많은 나라들의 관심을 끌 수 있었던 것은, 점차 인류의 생존뿐만 아니라 생태계의 존립을 위협하는 환경오염과 80년대 이래로 계속되어온 후진국들의 경제적 위기에 대한 관심, 그리고 이 문제들에 대한 그 어떤 해결책이 나오리라는 막연한 기대감 등이 작용했기 때문이다. 그러나 기대와는 달리 이 회의는 별다른 성과를 얻지 못한 채 끝나고 말았다. 이는 지난 1972년 Stockholum에서 열린 "Earth Summit" 유엔환경회의(그때는 2개국 수상만이 참석했음) 이후 선진국과 후진국 사이에 환경보존과 경제개발이라는 두 개의 모순적인 패러다임(Paradigm)에 대해 뚜렷한 시각차가 발생한 것에 기인한다.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.65-90
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• 1988

본고(本稿)는 정책행태(政策行態)에 대한 정치경제학적(政治經濟學的) 접근방법(接近方法)을 이용하여 지금까지 우리나라의 시장개방(市場開放)에 대한 수요(需要) 공급(供給) 및 실제시장개방(實際市場開放)의 결정요인(決定要因)을 실증적으로 분석하고 이를 바탕으로 시장개방정책(市場開放政策)의 행태(行態)를 분석하였다. 로짓분석(分析)에 의한 실증분석결과는 정치경제학적(政治經濟學的) 접근방법(接近方法)의 타당성을 강하게 지지하는 것으로 나타났으며, 이 결과에 의하면 우리나라의 시장개방정책(市場開放政策)은 경제원칙(經濟原則)에 입각하여 추진되었다는 측면을 완전히 배제할 수는 없지만 정치경제학적(政治經濟學的) 요인(要因)들-국내이해관련집단들의 자기비호(自己庇護) 주장(主張)이나 미국(美國)의 개방압력(開放壓力) 등-에 의해 왜곡(歪曲)되었던 것으로 나타났다. 특히 '공정무역(公定貿易)'의 기폭하(旗幅下)에 가해지고 있는 미국(美國)의 개방압력(開放壓力)은 오히려 미국기업(美國企業)들의 이해관계(利害關係)를 대변함으로써, 그리고 국내이해관련집단의 관심을 고조시킴으로써 시장개방(市場開放)의 합리적(合理的) 원칙(原則)의 견지를 더 어렵게 하였던 것으로 관찰되었다. 또한 분석결과(分析結果)에 이하면 금후의 경제민주화(經濟民主化) 추세(趨勢)의 진전(進展)으로 개방정책(開放政策)을 포함하는 일반경제정책(一般經濟政策)의 입안(立案), 추진(推進)에 있어 이해관련집단들의 역할이 증대될 것이기 때문에 이는 자칫하면 정책방향(政策方向) 왜곡(歪曲) 및 집행(執行)의 효율성(效率成) 저하(低下)를 초래할 수도 있다는 시사를 주고 있다.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.97-106
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• 2013

The construction industry is now facing a new challenge of green construction. Based on a research question of "what motivates contractors to pursue green construction", the objective of this study is to identify and discuss key characteristics and implications of green construction motivators among major contractors. The Political Economy Approach was adpoted as a main research methodology. The study demonstrated that major contractors show a high level of expectation in the future of green construction and consider economic factors as higher motivators while paying attention to social trends towards green construction. In particular, internal economic motivators were highly considered and the commitment of senior management was viewed as a key motivator.

• Journal of the International Relations & Interdisciplinary Education
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.35-56
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• 2024

Based on Kingdon's policy stream model, the logical mechanism of student burden double reduction policy agenda setting process in China was analyzed from three aspects: problem stream, policy stream, political stream. It was found that the direct reflection of data, the feedback and improvement of current policies constitute the problem stream.The high attention of government departments, the suggestions of CPPCC members and experts and scholars, the strong voice of schools, and the continuous voice of stakeholders constitute the policy stream. The ruling party's governing idea and educational policy, national mood and interest game during the transition period constitute the political policy stream. The three streams, coupling interaction, open the policy window, promoting the introduction of the 'double reduction' policy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.76-107
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• 2008

The present study has explored the effects of media use on the evaluation of the presidential candidate's morality. We hypothesized that the perception of the candidates' morality during the 2007 Korean President Election would be influenced by the amount of the different types of media use. Using a set of panel data, a total of 1,199 citizens (584 females (48.7%), 615 males (51.3%), Mage=42.77, SDage=13.34) were assessed four times from August to December in 2007. The results indicated that (a) the level of TV use for political information, the level of newspaper use for political information, and the level of Internet use for political information increased during the five months; (b) the initial level of political involvement contributed differently to the initial levels of media use; (c) the initial level of political involvement negative influenced the initial level of TV use for political information; (d) the growth of political involvement positively influenced the growth of TV use for political information; (e) the intial level of TV use for political information increased both the initial levels of the perception of candidates' morality and the change of the perception of candidates' morality; (f) the change of TV use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality; and (g) the initial level of Internet use for political information negatively affected the initial level of the perception of candidates' morality, and the change of Internet use for political information negatively affected the perception of candidates' morality.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2000.11a
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• pp.109-125
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• 2000

본 논문은 3개 기초자치단체 지역주민들을 중심으로 이들 지방정부의 투자우선지출 순위에 관한 지역주민의 의식을 분석해 보았다. 이러한 분석은 근본적으로 지방정부의 공공지출을 통한 투자사업 활동이 지역주민의 선호순위와 일치하는지를 검증해보기 위한 선행연구로서의 의미를 가지고 있다. 지역에 따른 행정기능별 우선지출 순위분석에서 볼 때 일반행정부문의 경우 세지역 모두 기획조정분야에 가장 큰 우선지출을 요구하고 있고 산업경제 부문의 경우 지역특산물생산과 지역공단육성에 큰 관심을 보이고 있으며 사회복지부문의 경우 쓰레기처리 및 폐기물관리 등에 우선적인 관심을 보여 생활환경의 정비에 큰 관심이 있는 것으로 분석되었다. 지역개발사업의 경우 도시계획 및 도시정비사업이 그리고 민방위부문의 경우 재난관리와 화재예방의 부문에 특히 우선지출의 관심을 보이고 있었다. 지방자치단체의 공공지출에 영향을 미치는 주요요인들은 주민참여도, 정부.기업관계, 정치적 연계, 기획과 예산구조, 공공투자 재원보조, 등으로 구성되어 있으나 각 요인별로 구성변인에 따른 지역주민간의 인식은 다르게 나타남을 알 수 있었다. 이상과 같은 지역주민들의 공공지출형태의 다양성과 여러 기대조건들을 충족시키고 그럼으로써 행정서비스에 대한 지역주민의 만족도를 극대화하기 위해서는 각 지방정부는 그들 지역내 특수한 사회 경제적 여건하에서 새로운 고객관리전략을 수립하여야 할 것이다.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.5 s.110
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.48 no.5
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• pp.686-708
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• 2013

The goal of this investigation is to examine the matter as to how various cyberpolitical activities such as on-line civic participation, cyber parties, development and movement of civil society networks are appeared in cyberspace; and how political activities in cyberspace are associated with offline environment. This research was based on in-depth and open-ended interviews centering around 20s (32 interviewees) and the major results are as in the following. First, in terms of on-line civic participation, searching political issues occur in places, where internet users can access information easily relatively, and creating or reconstructing political information is identified in places giving stability or affinity to the public society. Second, even though each party's homepage for the channel of cyber parties has enough capacity as bridgespace, which takes charge of supporting f lows of people, goods, capital, and ideas, most of them don't play a role to establish virtual or real networks. Exceptively, cyber parties contribute to make temporalized places, where nobody takes the responsibility, somewhat. Third, the development and movement of civil society networks is divided into several segments according to political interests and tendency in online; furthermore, such a cyberpolitical activity influences human networks and the decision of major places for political activities in offline.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.69-107
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• 2015

In this article, I try to understand the changing patterns of 'politics of expertise' by looking at the change of the citizens' opinion on '4 Rivers Project', particularly the change of citizens' trust in expert, through data analysis on 'Citizen Opinion Survey on Science and Technology'. Findings are as follows: The reliability of government and the pros side experts downed, on the other hand, the reliability of the opposite side experts and environmental groups have maintained or slightly increased. This shows the fact that '4 Rivers Project' is the field of political confrontation surrounding the expertise. The government decision-making process on '4 Rivers Project' can be examined from the perspective of 'the politics of expertise', in the sense that the process is related to the utilization of scientific and technological expertise-power surrounding the project feasibility. The facts that citizens are interested in scientific-technological and ecological issues which are largely affected by expertise, and they think that the 4 Rivers Project affects the their daily lives, are the result of rising 'scientific-technological citizenship'.