• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.75-92
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• 2002

The aim of this article is to critically review the PRC's policies related to its minority nationalities with a special emphasis on the identification of minority nationalities(minzuzhibie) and the establishment of minority nationality autonomous regions(minzuzizhiquyu), as a part of national integration Process. In that Process, the intentional application of the criteria on nationality identification, the establishment of minority nationality autonomous regions, the population redistribution policies and the gerrymandering by the government played an important role in the deconstruction of traditional basis of identities and the territorialization of ethnicity. The goals of government have been the redefinition of 'Chinese', the the invention of 'Chinese nationality(zhongguominzu or zhonghuaminzu)'and the unification of its national territory. However, these have led to the unexpected result by creating the new ethnic-territorial identities along with the nationalities identified and the territories defined by the government.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.435-450
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• 2019

There is ample research on the Korea-China-Japan trilateral relationship in various directions that includes geopolitical aspects. There still exist escalated tensions in politics and diplomacy despite the remarkable growth in the economic and cultural exchanges between these countries. This study presents a way of representing national identity based on survey results via principal component analysis, and investigates if these national identities can be related to conflict and cooperation among the three countries. The results show that the attachment to the nation does not affect the conflicts between the countries and that a more friendly awareness of other countries tends to give a positive effect to cooperation between countries.

• Korean Architects
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• s.600
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• pp.112-117
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• 2019

1974년 10월 '월간 건축사'에 글이 하나 실렸다. 건축 작품이 정치사회적 논쟁의 중심에 섰던 최초이자 마지막이 아니었던가 싶은 김수근의 <부여 박물관>에 대한 일본풍 논쟁이었다. 논쟁의 발단은 한참 선배인 김중업의 언급에서 시작됐다. 한국 현대 건축의 시작점에서 프랭크 로이드 라이트를 일본을 거쳐 배운 김수근과 유럽의 르 코르뷔지에 말년 3년을 같이 한 김중업의 논쟁이었다. 일본풍은 <왜색>이라는 자극적 표현 때문에, 독립된 지 얼마 안 된 우리 정서로는 매우 민감한 부분이었고 사회적으로 파란이 일었다. 여러 사람들이 논쟁에 가담했었는데, 이런 논쟁이 단 몇 차례로 끝나고 이어지지 않은 것은 우리 건축계를 위해선 안타까운 일이었다. 600호 특집을 준비하다 발견한 <월간 건축사 1974년 10월호> 글은 놀라웠다. 그리고 1974년의 통렬한 비판이 아니라 지금까지도 언급할 가치가 있는 내용이었다. 자그마치 45년 전 건축계 전체에 대한 발전을 촉구하는 글에서 지금을 생각하게 됐다. 특히 두 '귀화인'이라는 표현에서 여전히 자기 정체성을 확보하지 못한 대한민국 건축계에 울리는 소리가 크다. 여전히 직수입된 사고와 생각을 유행매체에 마케팅하는 전략이 먹히는 풍토에서 이 글은 반성의 시간을 가지게 만든다. 피터 춤토르가 스위스 산속에서 혼자 뚝딱거리면서 조용히 건축을 하고, 중국에서 왕 슈는 폐자재로 수공예하는 건축을 하다 세계에 존재감을 알리게 되고, 알렉한드로 아라베나는 빈민주택으로 사회적 정체성을 알렸다. 해외대학 이력이 국내 대학보다 활동하기 좋은 대한민국 건축계는 반성의 시간을 가져야 할 것 같았다. 과연 45년 전 보다 선명해 졌는가? 원문을 거의 그대로 옮긴다. 다만 한자 표현이나 이해 어려운 문장은 다소 변환했다. 천천히 음미하면서 읽어보시길${\ldots}$ 1974년 10월 두 귀화인의 논쟁에 대한 학문적 비판글.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.395-423
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• 2018

Since the middle of the 19th century, East Asia, especially Korea, was oppressed externally by the imperialism of Japan and others while internally long-lasting political convention like in-law government was driving the country into troubles at home and abroad. Witnessing such a situation and building up scholarly capability through reading over nearly all spheres, a Confucian philosopher, Ch'oe Han-gi (崔漢綺, 1803-1877), philosophized about the clue to the solution of such a choking phenomenon. Ch'oe believed that there was movement, ki (matter, material force, energy) of revolving transformation inherent in all things, people, or objects. Grasping even the principle and order of existence inherent in things from the viewpoint of ki, he tried to change the traditional theory on the law of existence of things that there existed an ontological reason lacking in motility, which was more dominant than anything existing in the universe and which ruled over the world. From this, he elucidated that the Way, an identity that rules over all affairs and things, was not simply one but diverse. This means, on one hand, that he tentatively accepted the relativity of things. On the other hand, he also taught us "oneness in all things" in which all including human beings exist in close connection to each other transcending the relativity or "agreement" in which they exist in harmony as one and "unity" in which they are united into one.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.498-513
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• 2010

This paper aims to critically discuss the place-marketing strategy that has been widely seen as an alternative way of regional development for the last decade in South Korea. In particular, it argues that the place-marketing strategy is highly likely to intensify the inter-local or inter-urban completion and to result in the territorialization of places because it is based on the essentialist notion of place that has been suggested by the humanistic geographers. In order to logically support my argument, I will critically review the essentialist notion of place, and introduce an alternative notion of place, in which the place is seen as socially constructed through complicated power relations and social, political and cultural processes. Also, I will logically demonstrate that the place-marketing can be seen as a strategy for territorializing places by discussing how territory is socially and politically constructed as a particular form of place.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.75
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• pp.9-42
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• 2016

This study critically examines the social and personal meanings that luxury consumption have in contemporary Korean society through understanding the consumption experiences of men in their 30s. Interviews with nine male consumers who are committed to luxury brands, especially those that produce suits, watches, fountain pens, and shoes, were conducted to collect qualitative data. We found that participants are satisfied with the whole process of luxury brand consumption including buying, using, and managing and try to consume the products for self-expression, congruent with their lifestyle and identity. Individuals have learned how to consume the luxury brand from their role models. Their consumption follows hybrid and postmodern patterns and combines luxury brand products with non-luxury one. In contemporary Korean society, using the luxury products is considered necessary to achieve some advantages in social contexts and can be also functioned as a sort of social signifier and self-help, as well as, a tool for self satisfaction or well-being.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.51
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• pp.136-155
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• 2010

Media diversity, coupled with the logic of competition in the global media market, has become a fashionable yet unfitting lingo of media policy in Korea. Media diversity has been fenced in the neoliberal economic logic of market competition and so tamed to consumers' free choice in the market. It is within this context that this article attempts to problematize narrowly-defined, market-oriented, and measurement-obssessed funtionalistic approaches to media diversity. In doing so, the article provides a critical overview of various definitions of media diversity. It also reveals how certain definitions, justifications, and measurements are legitimized and normalized in the name of science and objectivity. The core argument is that reflecting a larger neoliberal, deregulatory turn in media policy, media diversity has shifted from the pluralistic principle of democracy to the matter of free market choice or the myth thereof. It then focuses on the ongoing debate between state interventionists and free market liberals over the relationship between media ownership concentration and content diversity. Finally, it puts forth some recommendations as to how media diversity ought to be reconsidered as reformers' cultural politics, rather than marketeers' science, and discusses implications diversity has for deepening Korean democracy.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.151-178
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• 2014

Highly Differentiated and segmented social insurance scheme in Taiwan shows its salient dimension of stratification, which has been considered as a general feature of conservative welfare regime. However, compared to Western conservative welfare states, Taiwan's social insurance scheme shows a distinct feature. First, Taiwan's social insurance scheme has offered a full coverage for various benefits. Secondly, Labor Insurance and Government employees' Insurance reveal distinct features of stratification. Labor Insurance has developed a universalistic system based on status equality and cross-class solidarity of working classes while Government employees' Insurance includes a myriad of occupational- and status-based programs. This article aims to articulate the historical origin of Taiwan's unique social insurance scheme and explains it as an unintended result of state's political intervention and various interests of each insured groups, especially, politically, economically, and ethnically conflicting identities of government employees and working classes.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.44-58
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• 2006

This study of Shintoism is to inquire the relationships between social-political ideology and place of Shinto shrine(神社). In Korea, the Shinto shrine was a place of the center of Japanese colonial policy that symbolized the goal of Japanese Imperialism. This was one of the strategies of "Japan and Korea Are One". Before the China and Japan War in 1937, the number of shrines amounted to 51 sites, 12 of them were closely related to open ports, and the others were located at inland major cities. They also were associated with railroad transportation systems that tied coast and inland major cities. This spatial distribution of shrines was so called "Shrine Network" that was essential in tracing Japanese invasion into Korea. It was an imperial place where Japanese residence and colonial landscape were combined together to show the strength of Japanese Imperialism. Most of shrines were located at a hill with a view on the slope of a mountain and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. I presume from these facts that Shinto Shrine was a supervisionary organization for strategic purpose. The Jeonju Shrine was located on a small hill, Dagasan(65m) where commanded a splendid view of Jeonju city and honored Goddess Amaterasu and the Meiji Emperor. It was a place which was adjacent to Japanese residence and colonial landscape. The Dagasan was changed as a symbolic site for Japanese Imperialism. But, after liberation in 1945, the social-political symbol of the hill was changed. By the strong will of civil, there was a monument to the loyal dead and the national poet, Yi Byeng-gi placed for national identity at the site of the demolished Jeonju Shrine. Dagasan as a place of national identity, shows the symbolic decolonization and the changing ideology. After all, this shows that political ideology is represented in a place with landscape.

• English & American cultural studies
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.185-206
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• 2014

The concept of the "diaspora" has established itself as one of the major topics in literary and cultural studies in the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Contemporary studies on this topic tend to regard is diaspora as either as a liberatory space unmoored from a repressive national identity-formation or as a condition pregnant with challenges to the authority of a nation-state or nationalism. Viewed from within the social realities of multi-ethnic nations, however, diaspora has an alternative, darker face. For, reproduced within the concept itself, is that of a hierarchy: this hierarchy is one in which a dominant group seeks to repress the same ethnic members for their failure to conform. What is more, the cultural difference, which diaspora is believed to preserve, lends the dominant group an excuse to re-ethnicize its immigrants, subsuming them under the same extra-national category as that of the people or homeland they have left behind. By analyzing a range of historical and theoretical models, this study offers itself as an attempt to clarify the current, and often confusing, understandings of the condition of diaspora. By delving into its political potentials and discussing their possible socio-political ramifications, the study suggests that researchers of diaspora need to anchor themselves in historicity lest they end up "speaking for" their chosen subjects.