• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.40 no.5 s.110
• /
• pp.473-490
• /
• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.

• 대학교육
• /
• s.142
• /
• pp.30-35
• /
• 2006

우리나라의 대학이 '크고 살아 있으며, 힘 있고 창조적인' 대학이 될 수 있도록 대교협은 '큰' 역할을 수행해야 한다. 공인된 질적, 전문적 대학평가 관리기구로서 대학 발전을 저해하는 정치적 세력에 대한 합법적 보호 대처기구로서 자리해야 하며, 대학의 문제를 해결하는 사회적 조정 기제로서의 역할을 수행할 수 있어야 한다. 아울러 대학 현장의 목소리를 가감 없이 경청하고 과소평가하지 않아야 할 것이다.

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
• /
• v.10 no.1 s.33
• /
• pp.189-199
• /
• 2005

Technology has many potential uses and changes by social context surrounding it. Therefore political implications are reflected in the internal logical system of articraft, technology. This explanation is ale to apply to the regulation technology of Internet. The empowerment of information is changeable according as which regulation technology is adopted. This paper explores the structure, principle and its social implication of regulation technology of Internet, which coincides with user empowerment of information as a case of ICRS(Internet Content Rating System).

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.22 no.2
• /
• pp.57-74
• /
• 2015

This research has been performed in order to investigate the probability that cultural factors in everyday life affect individuals' political behaviors. Using the data collected from 2014 Seoul mayoral election, it analyzes how the degree to which individuals have various cultural capital influences their types of political information acquisition through media. The outcomes suggest following three. First, the more cultural capital individuals have, the more active they are in obtaining political information using diverse media. Second, those who mark high score in the self-cognitive area of cultural capital, such as cultural preferences and cultural tastes, tend to gather political information throughout formal news-oriented media such as on-line news, TV, and newspapers. Third, when types of media are classified into old and new, those who have a variety of cultural capital are likely to prefer new media as their major source of political information acquisition.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.146
• /
• pp.193-217
• /
• 2018

Following the lead of Isaiah Berlin, many liberals favor a negative conception of liberty because it limits the amount of interference and coercion that the state has in individual's lives. Such moves leave individuals to place value on their life choices or step back and revise them if desired. It is one thing, however, to argue that modern republicanism characterized by liberty as non-domination contains an alternative conception of liberty.

• International Area Studies Review
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.502-523
• /
• 2010

A federal system speaks for a political system that the principle of the common sovereignty among the local governments is applied. The basic purpose of the system is to make institutional devices capable of striving for the mutual cooperation in a greater political unit, reflecting a minority race's right and demand by decentralizing a state authority into the individual region. The basic purpose for formation of a federal system is realized when a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has a autonomous nature by the subject of a federal structure. During from B.Yeltsin to V.Putin, a form for the supplement of political elite personnels into the local governments has changed by a political purpose of a central government, In company with this change, the character of federalism in Russia has been also changed. Accordingly, this study has treated a subject about how the political elite personnels of local assembly men, governors of a state, assemblymen of both Houses, and the president of Russia are suppled, and also how such a form for the supplement of political elite personnels has changed the character of federalism in Russia.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.45
• /
• pp.7-48
• /
• 2009

The recent crises of Marxism do not mean Marx’s crisis. Marx said that he was not a Marxist. The purposes of this essay explore (1) the modern identity of the political economy; (2) the possibilities of mutual understanding between neoclassical economics and Marxist economics; (3) problems of the political economy in media and communication industry. I have begged for analytical Marxists, because of their good fruits. They accepted the methods of modern social science and they constituted a tremendous advance in the application of the scientific methods to the study of society. In insisting on micro-foundations(methodological individualism), analytical Marxism distinguished itself from structuralism and functionalism. I appreciate that analytical Marxism has reduced a theory to practice. But the works didn’t listen to everyone(from Marxists to un-Marxists), and explain everything. Making theory with production/consumption, macro/micro, and structure/behavior is a road to the political economy in the long run. It also applies to media and communication industry. The realm of media/communication is broad, which in philosophy, humanities, politics, economics, sociology, and engineering. And media policy is more complicated by politicians who look at the same situation from different angles. By the aid of interdisciplinary research, the political economy of media/communication shall explain at full length.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.17 no.3
• /
• pp.162-177
• /
• 2017

This study explores how the media covered the new media agenda in the process of the diffusion of new media and what the press's attitude about new media policy is according to the relationship between the press and the government based on the political tendency. For this, this study conducted network analysis. The agreement of political tendency between the press and the government is important variable to decide the attitude of the press about the new media policy. Under the conservative government, the conservative press supported the new media policy, however the opposite opposed it Even if opinion page can take an important role in the process of public opinion, the tone pf editorial page on the new media policy differs from its political tendency. It costs tremendous investment in introducing new media, journalists have judge.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.45 no.2
• /
• pp.221-239
• /
• 2010

The lineage village is a very characteristic form of village in Korea. Although it was known as having established on the base of the Lineage Law, the complexities of political and economical structures played an important role in the process of establishing the village. The continuous political struggles between the scholar officials forced them to abuse the blood ties as well as the academic and regional relation. Using the disorder of land ownership system, the ruling elite made chances to expand the private land ownership, and these became the fiscal background of the formation of the lineage village and the agglomeration. The capital area's lineage villages were used of fiscal background by scholar officials lived in Hanyang. In the reason of political struggle, the initiator came to Osan-ri in late 16th Century. And in early 17th century, with a government dignitary, Shin Kye-Young, and with the reproduction of population, Osan-ri formed a typical lineage village with many clan households in the late of 17th century.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.35
• /
• pp.189-222
• /
• 2012

This study aims to explore Yulgok Yi I(栗谷 李珥)'s political intention through his presenting Seonghakjibyo(The Essentials of the Studies of the Sages, 聖學輯要) to the King Seonjo(宣祖), paying attention to his political situation in early reign of the King. Until presenting the book to the King in December 1576(the 8th year of King Seonjo's reign), Yulgok had been neglected from the political development of the King. So his presenting Seonghakjibyo, which basically professed the perfection of the studies of the Sages(聖學), to the King included another aim to convert the King's negative view on him by synthesizing his political views and appealing to the King. Yulgok's political views are intensively summarized in the book's beginning "Jincha(進箚)" and the final chapter "Seonghyeondotong(聖賢道統)". Through "Jincha", he recalled the past of his political situation during early reign of the King and expressed his own will to participate in the government again by presenting this book that was the summary of his political views. Then through "Seonghyeondotong", he suggested his own specific political opinions to the King as the successor of Taotong(道統) in Chosun by expressing such an ethos that he succeeded directly to Chutzu(朱子). This study firstly tries to identify Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪 李滉)'s presenting Seonghaksibdo(The Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning, 聖學十圖) to the King and Yulgok's successive will on it. Then we will review the times till presenting Seonghakjibyo to the King, 8 years of early reign of King Seonjo when he had been neglected from the political development of the King. Finally we will specifically analyze how his political views are expressed in each beginning and final chapter of the book.