• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2006.05a
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• pp.194-199
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• 2006

쌍천유역의 강수량과 지하수위의 관계를 분석한 결과 융설효과를 확인하였고 갈수기에 지하수위가 현저히 저하됨을 확인하였다. 쌍천유역의 지하수위와 GOI의 상관관계를 분석한 결과 70일 이동평균값을 이용한 GOI가 가장 높은 상관관계를 보여주었다. 융설효과를 고려하기 위해서 먼저 유역의 DEM 자료를 이용하여 100m 간격으로 고도별 면적분포를 구하고 기온이 100m당 $0.5^{\circ}C$씩 감소하는 것을 고려하여 강수사상이 발생하면 $0^{\circ}C$ 이하가 되는 고도에서는 강설사상이 발생하는 것으로 가정하였다. 이 때 고도별 면적분포에서 구해지는 면적비를 고려하여 강수사상을 강우와 강설로 나누었다. 이후에 고도를 고려한 기온이 $0^{\circ}C$ 이상인 날에 그 고도의 설적이 모두 녹는 것으로 가정하였고 강우가 발생한 것으로 처리하였다. 유역평균 일최대침투량을 알아내기 위하여 강수량자료를 일정값 이상은 고정하여 수정된 강수량자료로 70일 이동평균값을 구하고 이 값들과 지하수위와의 상관관계를 분석해 본 결과 40mm가 일최대침투량으로 가정하였을 때 가장 높은 상관관계를 보여주었다. 쌍천유역의 경우 40mm가 한계침투량이다. 이렇게 수정된 강수자료를 이용하여 이동평균을 구하여 지하수위와의 상관관계를 구해본 결과 쌍천유역의 2003년부터 2005년까지 2개년 자료에 대해서 융설을 고려했을 때 상관관계가 더 높아짐을 알 수 있고 한계침투량을 고려했을 때도 상관관계가 더 높아짐을 알 수 있으며 융설효과와 한계침투량을 동시에 고려했을 경우에 가장 높은 상관관계를 얻을 수 있었다.$2.8g/cm^3$로 가정했을 때, 경상분지의 화강암류의 압력평균값이 약 $0.73{\sim}3.16kbar$의 범위를 가졌고, 경상분지내 백악기 화강암류의 정치 깊이는 $2.6{\sim}11.4km$범위를 가졌다. 이는 경상분지 화강암류에 대해 유추된 기존의 정성적인 생각과 일치한다는 것을 알 수 있었고, 각섬석의 $Al^T$함량을 이용한 여러 경험적, 실험적인 압력계가 많은 제한점이 있지만 경상분지의 백악기 불국사화강암류에는 정성적으로 유효함을 알 수 있었다. 우리는 최종적으로 경상분지내 백악기 화강암류는 천부관입 암체이고 노출된 화강암류가 천부지각이라는 것을 알 수 있었다. 것이 아니라 낙관적 예측을 수행하는 경향이 있음을 발견할 수 있었다.원밭, 화산회밭으로 6개 유형으로 분류할 경우 각각의 분포면적은 41.9%, 23.3%, 17.5%, 13.9%, 1.1. 2.2% 이었다. 도시화 및 도로확대 등 다양한 토지이용 및 지형개변으로 과거의 토양정보가 많이 변경되었다. 그래서, 앞으로는 인공위성자료 및 항공사진을 이용하여 빠르고 쉽게 활용할 수 있는 토양조사 방법개발과 기 구축된 토양도의 수정, 보완 작업이 필요한 절실히 요구되고 있는 현실이다.브로 출시에 따른 마케팅 및 고객관리와 관련된 시사점을 논의한다.는 교합면에서 2, 3, 4군이 1군에 비해 변연적합도가 높았으며 (p < 0.05), 인접면과 치은면에서는 군간 유의차를 보이지 않았다 이번 연구를 통하여 복합레진을 간헐적 광중합시킴으로써 변연적합도가 향상될 수 있음을 알 수 있었다.시장에 비해 주가가 비교적 안정적인

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.109-136
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to look at the concept of Gaebyeok as used by Kang Jeungsan (姜甑山) from a civilizational perspective. The combination of East Asian civilization during the period of Korea's port-opening and the subsequent inflow of Western powers with material civilization all at the forefront in the late Joseon Korea, served as the driving force for a new civilizational transition. Unlike the Chuk-sa Party and the Gae-hwa Party, modern Korean religions that emphasized Gaebyeok also responded to Western civilization and suggested a new view of civilization. Kang Jeung-san, resisting discrimination and oppression, presented a civilization built upon mutual beneficence while criticizing Western civilizations which centered on reason. Amid this process of the spread of modern Western civilization, Jeungsan declared the construction of a new civilization to the people who were negatively impacted by various social factions, such as class and gender discrimination, political corruption, exploitation via political corruption, and the inflow of Western powers. Jeungsanist Thought developed criticisms of materialism and human alienation, and this resulted in the claim of Gaebyeok. This was an expression of efforts to build a new civilization that aimed to harmonize, integrate, and thrive. The new civilization envisioned by Jeungsan was that of a society run according to mutual beneficence, and it can be summarized as a 'Civilization of Harmonious Union' that integrates philosophical thought and civilizational models of both East and West. This could also be referred to a 'Civilization of Public-commons and Harmony between Divine Beings and Human Beings (神人公共).' The life of Jeungsan was a life spent in the service of curing the world to save the lives of humanity. Since then, his 'movement of mutual beneficence' as observed in Mugeuk-do and Taegeuk-do were also efforts to build the new civilization envisioned by Jeungsan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.127-150
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• 2018

Although Wangfu's Tian-Ren relations theory could not be free from the influence of the religious understanding of the Yinyangwuxing theory, which was prevalent in the times of two Hans, due to the limitations of the times, it refers to human status and capabilities here and there of the "Qianfulun" and traces of attempts to enhance humans' ability to preside and attempts to dilute the powers of Tian(heaven) and God can be found. In addition, the fact that the theory shifted the focus of the administration and politics of the state from Tian(heaven) to the people can be also said to be highly worthwhile. Of course, when seen from philosophical, political, social, and economic perspectives, Wangfu's primary concern can be said to have been the stabilization of people's livelihood. The influence and contribution of Wangfu's ?Qianfulun? as such on the aspects of political and philosophical thoughts in the society at the time can be said to be comparable to those of Wangchong. Although there are the limitations of the situations of the times faced by Wangfu that made him unable to surpass the standardized paradigm of the Tian-Ren response theory, when seen from other perspectives, the fact that he severely criticized the confused social conditions at that time unlike other intellectuals in the confused situations at the end of the East Han Dynasty period can be said to be worth affirmation. The fact that Wangfu, who tried to work on the basis, the stabilization of the people's livelihood, concentrated most of his energy on overcoming the situation of national internal and external troubles such as breaking down the bad customs of operating the national administration by religious notions such as natural calamity or superstition instead of trying to solve the problems of the times from the academic and ideological aspects as with Wangchong can be also said to be valuable in itself. In addition, Wangfu naturally became to take the lead in breaking down deeply superstitious notions such as the Yinyangwuxing theory and the Chanwei theory while he was conducting studies on how practical problems could be overcome facing the situations in the turbulent period.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.223-264
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• 2014

Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo(淵泉 洪奭周: 1774-1842) faithfully followed a policy of restoration of literary style of king Jeongjo. He was an young vassal after 1794 and influenced by Jeongjo because Yeoncheon was around the king. Furthermore, he had comparatively favorable working period as a vassal(仕宦期, 1795-1836) after death of Jeongjo(1800) while establishing his own academic viewpoint. Therefore, a study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo is one about logical system to accept various desires for change of then while not getting rid of scope of Neo-Confucianism after Jeongjo. It is catched that exchange of Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong was made relating to study of Sangseo. Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong absorbed in study of Sangseo, which is come from putting importance on 6 scriptures (經) among studies of scriptures by both of them. Through this, they aimed to re-discover ideology of original Confucian studies as one for cultivating oneself and governing people (修己治人之學). Dasan and Yeoncheon have something in common that they were young vassals who were cultivated as a guarding power for Jeongjo centered on Gyujanggak. They were largely fit to view of literature(文體觀) of Jeongjo. Hong Seok-joo distinguished function of prose(文) and poetry(詩) into teaching moral(明敎) and moving people(感人) in the category of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on thoughts of 'literature is linguistic device for Taoism '(道本文末)' which is a core concept of literature theory based on Neo-Confucianism. He gave a careful attention on instructional and social function in prose while on emotional understanding that puts importance on temper and the secrets of nature in poetry. Hong Seok-joo regarded moral impression and edification through this as a core of artistic creation based on Segyoseol(世敎說). Furthermore, expressions such as 'Heunggwangunwon(興觀群怨)' or 'Yeohangguyo(閭巷謳謠) which are mentioned as important elements in his artistic works put importance on actual existence of objective things in artistic activity and this is connected to an attitude to require description fit to fact. So, it is assumed that such expression style aimed for features of genre painting in painting arts. Understanding of the study of ancient documents by Yeoncheon developed from critical perspective. He criticized the study of ancient documents, saying it as first, Pasoijisul(破碎之術), second, Dotaekjisul(塗澤之術), third, Hoimojisul(毁侮之術). Jeong Yak-yong criticized ' theory on the Odes' from viewpoint of theory of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on Neo-Confucianism. He stressed political and social function of Sipeon and general poetry in "the Odes" and reinterprets discourses about poetry of Zhu Xi based on his own opinion. He says that poems of national fashion do political and social criticism. The theory of national fashion by Jeong Yak-yong clearly discloses his thoughts that stress practical role of noblemen in the social and political context.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.23
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• pp.295-316
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• 2008

This is to study the military philosophy of Wangzhen's Commentary on Daodejing written by a famous military officer in the end of Tang Dynasty, Wangzhen. Historically, many scholars consider Laozi's Daodejing as a book on military science. Wangzhen, however, is the only person to interpret Daodejing genealogically from a military perspective. Wangzhen thinks that the fact that human beings like competing naturally causes the constant competition in the world. Human beings are born with the most outstanding spirit among all beings. But, when God created human beings, they had greed and avarice in the middle of their heart. Accordingly, human beings look for a success and a profit, and follow the wicked way, leaving the right way. The contractions among each greed and avarice bring about small or big competitions. Human beings have greed and avarice. It means human beings have emotions. As a result, the competitions in the world are not able to disappear because human beings have emotions. To win the completion human beings use weapons. According to Wangzhen, the war is the most devilish deed due to the weapon's atrocious, dangerous quality. Yet, the world's interests are decided by how efficiently the weapons are used. Consequently, the weapon techniques are worthy and play an important role in the real world. Morality, however, should be in the first priority in ruling over a country and commanding the army. The national security and the war victory could be secured when civil and military affairs have a balance. Wangzhen thinks that Laozi emphasizes "Not-Competing" as a basic solution of competition. The competition is the root cause of war and disorder. Therefore, Not-Competing is the main idea of Daodejing. Not-Competiting is a basis of Wangzhen's military philosophy as well. For Wangzhen, Not-Competing is Wuwei. Wuwei has political and military meanings at the same time. Wangzhen build up the "Not-Competing" military philosophy by applying Loazi's Daodejing to his military philosophy.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.114-159
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• 2012

The Northern Song Dynasty Period (北宋時代) was a drastic transitional era in all aspect of Chinese society including the politico-economic system, ideology and cultural trait. These changes that began in the late Tang (唐) Dynasty Period accomplished in the Northern Song Dynasty. In this phase, the fundamental change influenced in all institutional area; and among them, the capital city planning and its associating building technology to pile stone walls shows one of the significant change of those time. Based on the geographical factor, confluences of many rivers, the Kaifeing (開封) area where the BianLieng palace had developed as a political and economical centre since the Tang Dynasty when the Grand Canal was constructed. According to archaeological researches, the central city structure of Dongjing Walled Town was begun to plan in the late Tang Dynasty and formed in Five Dynasties. The fundamental functional change of city completed in the Midnorthern Song Dynasty. In spite of the relatively late beginning of archaeological investigations to Kaifeng Walled Town and Dongjing Walled Town due to unfavourable natural environment, excavations inaugurated since 1981 have achieved the significant investigations including the actual measurement and excavation to the outer wall, the preliminary excavation to the inner city area, the investigation and excavation to the royal palace of Song and the survey to the royal palace of King Zho in the Ming (明) Dynasty. These surveys have provide important data to reconstruct the 변량 palace, and elucidate the characteristics of city plan in the Dongjing Walled Town and the institutional change of capital city plan of the Northern Song Dynasty. The basic layout of Dongjing Walled Town reflect the realisation of ideality of the late Chinese medieval capital city structure that establish the commercial and economic centre based on the intensification of emperor's power by means of the organisation of ethical institution and the development of commercial economy. Firstly, the central place of the Kaifeng area is encircled with triple walls. This emphasise the authority of emperor located on the summit in the hierarchical ethic system succeeding to the main capital city plan of the late phase of ancient China. Secondly, the location of Dongjing Walled Town was decided by the transport network and the commercial function and defence function. Thirdly, this site shows the change of city structure and landscape of the Northern Song Dynasty. The closed Fengri (坊里: block) system transferred the open Jiexiang (街巷: road) system. Fourthly, the capital city was characterised by the free market trade and the diversification of market place. Fifthly, a convenient transport network in the Bian River, a centre of the Grand Canals, enabled to construct the Kaifeng Walled Town. Therefore, the Northern Song Dynasty continuously accomplished the developed water system as concerning about the utilisation of waterways after the construction of city.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.116
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• pp.33-58
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• 2010

Der Antisemitismusstreit in der Philosophie Heideggers kann als ein Streit um seine politische Theologie bezeichnet werden. Fast alle Epigonen Heideggers haben seine Teilnahme an Nazi-Bewegung anerkannt, aber seine antisemitische Haltung verneint. Farias und Faye haben dagegen so behauptet, $da{\ss}$ seine antisemitische Haltung bzw. rassistische Tendenz in seiner ganzen Vorlesungen und Werken gefunden werden $k{\ddot{o}}nnen$. Insbesonders nationalsozialistische bzw. antisemitische Tendenz Heideggers kann als die Stoffe der politischen Theologie im Horizont der seinen eigentlichen $Faktizit{\ddot{a}}t$ gekennzeichnet werden. Die gesamten Vorlesungen und Schriften Heideggers sind seine eigene Gedanken, welche durch keinen ${\ddot{a}}u{\ss}eren$ Zwang $durchgef{\ddot{u}}hrt$ werden. Heideggers Antisemitismus ist ja in diesem Sinne eine $tats{\ddot{a}}chliche$ $Faktizit{\ddot{a}}t$. Aber das ist kein ideologischen Wahnsystem der Nationalsozialisten, sondern eine Art des kulturellen Antisemitismus. Heidegger glaubte damit, die Erde und den Blut deutschen Volkes in der reinsten Weise aufzubewahren durch die Auferstehung des geistigen, geschichtlichen deutschen Daseins. Der rassistische, antisemitische Verdacht zur Heideggerschen Philosophie soll nur in diesem Denkshorizont kritisch interpretiert werden. Damit kann und soll Heideggers rassistische, antisemitische Haltung mit der Nationalsozialisten, welche die Vernichtung der Juden historisch und philosophisch zu legitimieren versucht, unterschiden werden.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.126
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• pp.295-320
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• 2013

This thesis amis to demonstrate basically that language has the potential enough to be able to determine human's belief, attitude and behavior for Spinoza. As long as the language could be conceived with the potential to do, then it is very important in human community. And it is through dynamic and changeable, not fixed state, that meaning of this language is revealed. For Spinoza, even sign and its meaning compose one language system, but both of which are different from the other community. Because language as sign used in a specific society is articulated expression of body image, each imagination as idea is necessarily followed by its sign. This fact makes us say that language express imaginal knowledge. But language should not be considered as an means to express adequate idea of it. By the reason that order of meaning is only determined by the connection of signs, and that of meanings, each meaning of sign is not fixed. In this respect, certain meaning is changeable on account of changing new order of ideas. Through re-arranging new order of meaning, language could express more adequate and better idea than before. but what the most important fact is that it is not sufficient to express adequate idea by the means of language. Power of language determining human's belief and attitude does not depend on whether meaning of sign is true or not, but on hegemony of order of meaning. with this regard, this world could be seen as battle area of conflicting for orders of meaning. The more members accept newly created rational thought through newly arranged words, the more new views of value gain power. Solidarity of man using common language can change the world. For this purpose, first step depends on freedom of thought, freedom of deliverance of thought in which spinoza insists through A Theological - Political Treatise.