• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.102-114
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• 2009

Urban discourse can be used to create a better living environment through open thinking, understanding and discussion. It raises both physical and social issues surrounding the urban environment. It can encourage the participation of citizen groups and lead the way to develop a community-oriented urban environment through inter-discourse agreement. The urban space of Cheonggye Stream has produced a wide range of urban discourse from 2003 to the present. Discourse regarding the Cheonggye Stream restoration project has been approached by fields including landscape architecture, ecology, urbanism, architecture, politics, and economics, among others. This discourse has reduced a variety of issues and ranges of debate. This study has classified these discussions into related fields and ideological attitudes, analysed their content, and interpreted their meaning. In order to examine the mutual relationships existing among these discourses by different ideological groups, an analytical framework was established byputting classified versions of discourses into a coordinate diagram. The overall topography showing the present status of Korea public awareness regarding the urban environment could therefore be determined. As a result, it was found that the disciplines of landscape architecture took a middle ground between groups with practical and radical ideologies regarding the Cheonggye Stream project and was a mediator for both poles to find a point of contact. However, participatory discourse requires the disciplines of landscape architecture to participate more actively in the discourses on urban environment and take a more active stand corresponding to the zeitgeist and people's sense of public justice.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.5-44
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• 2018

The Buma Uprising, which took place in Busan and Masan from 16 to 20 October 1979, was a challenge against the contradictions of the Yushin Regime. Only after 6 days from the insurrection, the 10 26 Accident transpired, in which the then president Park Chung-hee was assassinated, and the Buma Uprising, which acted as the fuse to the shooting, remained as an 'incomplete uprising'. To commensurate with the subject of the paper 'The Truth about Buma Uprising and Historical Reflection', the purpose of this study is to explore how the uprising began, unfolded, and oppressed by comparing it with Busan Uprising and Masan Uprising. It also focuses to discuss, in detail, the effect of the demonstration by college students and the general public and suppression by the forces of the police and military on President Park and his government. This year, we celebrate the 39th anniversary of Buma Uprising, and with all the issues of discovering the truth, restoration of reputation and more, there are decisions and resolves to make including amendment of the legal system. However, there are certain groups of people who act as they led the uprising and mislead and exploit the facts of the events through illegitimate records and testimony, making it impossible to determine the truth. Discovering the truth will require acquisition of objective materials, testimony of those involved in the event and field research as well as imposition of legal and social punishment on those who distorted the truth about the event.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.69
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• pp.71-110
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• 2015

Beyond the technological behaviorism-oriented notion of prosumers, the current study explores the question of digital creative labour of the youth in the interrelated context of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal ethos of selfhood. This analysis is situated particularly in the social conflicts and struggles in Korea, where the problems related to the precarization of the younger generation have been increasingly aggravated (in the realm of embodied reality) whereas their digital activities have been highly expressive (in the realm of mediated reality). The contradictions embedded in the question of the labour of the youth are delineated in the respect of the subjectivities of young free labour, or 'digital creative labour' in proposed terms: the precarious young free labour in Korea is the compound of social fragmentation, economic polarization, expansion of cognitive and emotion labour, boom of hedonistic consumerism, economic-cultural celebration of creativity and self-entrepreneurship, technological saturation of digital media, subjective/collective affects around excitement and ambition but also of anxiety and fear. The ambivalence and complexity of the young free labour is converged at the emergence of homo-economicus (Michel Foucault) through the subjectivation of the social (con)fusion of post-capitalist crisis and neoliberal governmentality of selfhood.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.59-86
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• 2019

This study explores "4.27 Panmunjom Declaration" and "9.19 Pyongyang Declaration" for the peace and prosperity of the Korean Peninsula in terms of inter-Korean exchanges and scrutinizes the Declarations in conjunction with the New Economic Initiative of the Korean Peninsula. The leadership of President Moon Jae-in pursues the value of the "peaceful and prosperous Korean Peninsula" of which pre-requisite and requirement are exchanges and cooperation between South and North Koreas. The New Economic Initiative of the Korea Peninsula for economic prosperity proposed in the inter-Korean summit premises complete denuclearization in the Peninsula. It is accentuated that the Initiative provides a new tonic impetus to the Korean economy in recession, and simultaneously, shapes a necessary foundation for the economic development of North Korea. The Initiative with connotation of the two Korea's mutual opulence aims at proceeding to a new Korean Peninsular system. The new system implies the new peace-cooperative community where confrontation and discord are ceased, and the new economic-cooperative one where the age of ideological rivalry comes to an end. The two Koreas have to lead the new age of peaceful and prosperous Northeast Asia as a buffer zone of peace.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.221-233
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• 2021

This study analyzed the contents of changes in educational policy from the perspective of policy learning, based on the awareness of the lack of academic efforts to identify such phenomena despite repeated policy failures in educational policy. To this end, it has been more than 20 years since the policy was established, but it was analyzed using the policy analysis case of the teacher incentive policy, which still had severe conflicts between the government and teacher unions. As a result of the analysis, first, there were 11 changes in the policy content from the Kim Dae-jung administration to the Moon Jae-in administration. Whenever the government was newly launched, not only the contents of the policy for teacher incentives changed, but also the policy changes continued during the same government period. Second, when analyzing what kind of policy learning took place at the stage of change in each government's policy content, most of them were 'political policy learning' or 'instrumental policy learning'. Rather than a fundamental discussion about the goal of the policy, it has only repeated policy learning that adjusts only the ratio of differential payments to defend the teacher incentive policy. In order to recover from this current situation, this study suggests that it is necessary to present an alternative policy that can change the rigid society of teachers through 'social policy learning', which examines the basic values and strategies of teacher incentive policies.

• Archives of design research
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• v.11
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• pp.130-139
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• 1995

The dictionary defines the word 'Design' as planning and designing. Though this is a meaning confined to decorative function, the conception of modern design in this capitalist society of mass production and mass consumption can be said to have reached a new stage of the meeting of industry and the arts. This means the two sides of design' the side of beauty and usefulness The side of beauty should be understood in view of the sense of beauty, and usefulness should also be considered from the viewpoint of consumer's taste and preference This is thought to be the natural problems of design The origin of design can be understood from the background of capitalism. But the capitalism can be said to be the mode of Western thought and action developed based on Western thinking. The capitalism is an economic system derived from the society of industrial capitalism through commercial capitalism. but this economic thinking has been resulted from a mature social system of democracy and civic society. The civic society and democracy are derived from polis of ancient Greece and Rome. and the ancient Greek and Roman society was a society developed from the social system of the nobility and slaves. Polis continued to develop based on the positive territorial expansionism centering around the Mediterranean on the basis of Hellenism. and European countries achieved the intergration of religion. society and politics based on this. thus accomplishing the spirit of capitalism Our design is believed to have been derived from the direct import of Western capitalism. Accordingly. as the original form of Western capitalism has become our economic system. so our design copied that of th West. And our traditional culture and sensitivity which are different in the original form and root of racial disposition seem to breed discord between them. It is. therefore. very important and meaningful for us to exert all possible efforts to seek the root of our disposition and tradition and grope for the appropriate thought and style of design.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.27-52
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• 2022

Objectives: The neighboring countries of South Korea and Japan in Northeast Asia have interacted in both positive and negative ways, at times as close partners and other times adversaries, throughout their long and thorny history of extensive dynamics. The controversial dispute over Dokdo is one of the most critical issues evoking harsh tensions and arguments asserting wholly opposite claims. Dokdo is a small island between two coastal states, but significant in terms of territorial, botanical, and marine resources, and thus ownership of the island has become a point of conflict accompanied by a troubled history. But why has Dokdo been a source of conflicts and how should the controversial Dokdo issue be addressed in a way that fosters positive influence and co-prosperity? Methods: This study provides comprehensive and critical insights from a wealth of previous research and strategic suggestions for the Korean government. It utilizes the three perspectives of historical documents and political context, international regulations and legal frames, and public diplomacy. Furthermore, it applies these resources to negotiation theories and strategies to propose reasonable solutions. Results: This study suggests that it is important for Korea and Japan to try to build mutual trust through more active communication and interaction in order to understand each other before attempting to create a formal resolution via negotiation. In addition to these efforts, Korea needs to be ready for the inevitable need to take decisive action in terms of negotiation, using analytic and efficient strategies. The study proposes three solutions: 1) Strong Action Strategy, 2) International Legal Strategy, and 3) Public Diplomacy Strategy. Conclusions: From the perspective of public diplomacy, the Dokdo issue needs to be converted from a symbol of conflicts between Korea and Japan into a symbol of peace and co-prosperity. In addition to promoting a positive relationship between the two states, it can also contribute to the security environment of the Northeast Asian region and global peace.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.40
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• pp.150-191
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• 2007

Defamation lawsuits of public figures against media have been an issue since Roh government set in. Dissension between the government and media has probably acted as the key factor on this problem. Accordingly, arguments on the defamation lawsuits of public figures occurred the political issues such as opposition between the Progressive and the Conservative Parties or between the ins and the outs and showed the limits to suggest an appropriate judgment or solution. This study will analyze how the court makes its judgement on their rights and the limits by understanding the characteristic and the problem of defamation lawsuits made by senior government officials including a politician, the government, the president, and etc. As results, the defamation lawsuits of politicians and senior government officials showed specially noteworthy matters in salvation (damage suits), the amount claimed, court costs, ratio of winning lawsuits, and etc. The result on the tendency of the court decision showed the following matters in confusion: it holds the media responsible for the burden of proof by applying the inappropriate criterion; The applied laws, especially in the inferior court decision, do not show the consistency of the burden of proof between the misconception/ intention (malice)/ accident/ purpose of slander on the legal principles of public figures. Therefore, this study suggests the court to apply an appropriate law, let alone regulating the Anti-SLAPP law, so that it curtails the rights of public figures; limits the salvation of damage suit; and protects the right only in the case of false accusation by applying the existing law of "the Protection of the Deceased's Defamation Law." In order to dissolve the confusion when applying the laws on the public figures, the study insists the court to positively apply the Constitutional Court made criterion on "people" and "content." The study also insists to distinguish "intention(malice)," "accident," and "purpose of slander" and variant sorts of the burden of proof should be applied to each.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.74
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• pp.227-253
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• 2023

Purpose of the Study: This paper focuses on a significant historical event, namely the Bremen teachers' movement of 1905, which aimed to abolish religious classes in public schools. By examining an incident in the German history of religious education that remains unfamiliar to the Korean Christian Association, I aim to explore the interconnected diachronic and synchronic influences involved in this particular event. Contents and Method: The religious controversy sparked by the Bremen Teacher's movement of 1905 marked the first official call for reform towards neutral religious education in schools. Several factors contributed to this debate, including the rise of civil society in the 19th century, advancements in science and scholarship, the emergence of social democracy, and the conflict between the Lutheran and Reformed Churches. This paper delves into the historical context of the controversy and analyzes its impact on the develop of religious education in Germany. As reflected in the Bremen Document, the official outcome of the Bremen Teacher's Movement, educators argued for the separation of religion and education, emphasizing that religion is a deeply personal matter. The document called for the adoption of value-neutral moral education in public schools, achieved through objective Bible-History classes. This paper explores the impact of the Bremen School Dispute of 1905 on the development of religious education in Germany. Specifically, the provisions of the Bremen State Constitution of 1948 and the German Basic Law of 1949 were influenced by the controversy, with Article 141 of the Basic Law - known as the 'Bremen Clause' - providing a legal basis for the exclusion of churches from religion-classes at Schools in Bremen. The Bible-History Classes advocated in the Bremen Documents served as the basis for the present-day Bremen religious education curriculum well known for neutral objective religion-classes. Conlusion: This study analyzes the background, content, and influence of the Bremen School Controversy, which remains relatively unknown in Korea. The findings of this study can contribute to the ongoing discussion of Christian school education in Korea, with an emphasis on maintaining a Christian identity while promoting religious publicity in the classroom.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.41-52
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• 2012

The Great War of 1914-1918 had dramatic consequences for all aspects of European society. Academia, and the field of mathematics, was no exception to the changes which occurred following the conflicts conclusion. After the First World War, which left Germany, the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Bulgaria and Turkey defeated, the Treaty of Versailles imposed harsh revisions to the old order. Many new nations emerged and the map of Europe was redrawn. The victorious powers also created the International Research Council (IRC) in 1919, and the International Mathematical Union (IMU) was founded under the IRC' s umbrella in 1920. At that time Germany, Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria were excluded from participation and the IMU maintained an open anti-German policy. However, as time passed this policy became more sharply criticized and in 1928 ICM, the nonparticipants were invited to join. Having declined, controversy persisted until in 1931 the IRC was replaced by the International Council of Scientific Unions, and the IMU disappeared for over two decades until it was reestablished in 1951. During the time of the first tenure of the IMU it is argued by many that politics entered into the world of international mathematical cooperation. In this paper we study the real effects the Great War had on the international mathematical community and its mathematicians.