• The Science & Technology
• /
• s.535
• /
• pp.92-93
• /
• 2013

• The Science & Technology
• /
• v.30 no.3 s.334
• /
• pp.28-29
• /
• 1997

기술이 그 소임을 완벽하게 다하지 못하면 사고나 사건이 되고 그 부실을 탓하게 된다. 이런 물리적 잘못은 가려내기도 어렵지않고 회복도 가능하다. 부실은 객관적 합리성이나 옳고 정확한 것을 도외시하는 차원에서 생긴다. 과학기술의 특성은 정책수립 차원이나 기획차원에서부터 지켜져야 한다. 수요의 유효성ㆍ타당성, 물자나 인력의 수급성, 예산과 공정의 정당성 등을 정확하고 합리적으로 따져야 한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.69-101
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is to verify that voting behavior of congressmen can vary depending on the different candidate selection methods of political parties. Specifically, this paper examines whether congressmen elected through a primary tend to deviate from the party line vote in the floor voting, compared to those who did not. As a result, it was founded that congressmen who went through competition of the primary are more likely to defect from the party line vote than who did not. This empirical evidence suggests that if the introduction of the open primary system is further expanded in the future, it may lead to weakening of party cohesion and reinforcing lawmakers' autonomy.

• Informatization Policy
• /
• v.23 no.2
• /
• pp.54-72
• /
• 2016

This article analyzes the latest cases of Digital Social Innovation such as crowdsourcing and online petitions for public trouble-shooting in oder to demonstrate that public engagement of the citizens on decision making can enhance the quality of democracy. Digital Social Innovation contributes to citizen's participation on decision making and policy implementation with taking advantage of digital technologies of crowdsourcing and online petitions. Active civic engagement for decision making literally helps to improve and democratize government policy. These series of processes not only improve quality and efficiency of policy governance by building up transparency and effectiveness of policy itself but also enhance the throughput legitimacy. With this article, I quote and analyze various practices of Digital Social Innovation which we had substantiated to demonstrate the effectiveness of civic engagement for decision making to improve and enhance democracy. The hypothesis that the Digital Social Innovation attempted in various ways is a principal factor of democratization could be verified. Moreover, the practices of Digital Social Innovation helps the civic participation in policy making in modern society. Finally, this article suggests an implication of Digital Social Innovation as part of efforts to ensure the involvement of throughput legitimacy for the development of democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.5-38
• /
• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.11 no.1
• /
• pp.340-349
• /
• 2011

This research analyzes the 4P(Police-Press-Politics-Public) model for establish an ideal relationship between press and police and suggests some practical policies. Through the examination of the relations among 4Ps(Police-Press-Politics-Public), Jean-Louis Loubet Del Bayle proposes 3 models from three aspets : exchange of information, relation of power, relation of legitimacy. The analysis of his models shows that politics and public give social and political legitimacy to police and press which, based on the legitimacy, thereby obtain necessary informations from external entities to fulfil their original functions. On the other hand, the inevitable relation of press and police with politics and public caused from their social functions, in turn, makes the relationship between press and police more complicated and delicate. This research concludes, the relationship between police and press should be well balanced for their successful social functions and benefits of the public. To this end, this study suggests that a specific press guideline which is imposed on press and police, must be prepared and that a specialized press office must be established in the police.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
• /
• 2000.11a
• /
• pp.41-62
• /
• 2000

현실적으로 통계추론 방법의 적용시, 그 정당성이 보장되는 기본가정이외에도 추가적인 가정이 불가피하여, 본래의 정당성이 퇴색되는 경우가 흔히 발생한다. 따라서 이런 경우에는 통계추론의 평가가 필수적일 것이나, 많은 경우에 분석적 평가를 하기에는 너무 복잡하여, 특정상황을 상정한 모의분석 평가가 주류를 이루고 있다. 본 고에서는 보다 일반적 상황에서의 통계추론의 평가를 위해 브트스트랩방법과 같이 관찰값에 의존한 모의방법(observation-based simulation)을 이용한 평가방법을 제안한다. 우선 설득력 있는 평가요소로서 구간추정시 포함확률(coverage probability)와 같은 빈도성질(frequency property)를 선택하였다. 빈도성질은 고전적 통계추론은 물론 베이지안 통계추론을 대상으로도 의미있는 평가기준으로 판단되는 바, 이를 평가요소로서 선택하고, 이의 추정을 위한 방법과, 그 추정결과의 해석과 나아가 이를 기준으로 한 통계추론 결과의 조정 방법까지 일련의 절차에 대한 방법론을 제시하였다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Contents Association Conference
• /
• 2014.11a
• /
• pp.199-200
• /
• 2014

저선량 흉부 전산화단층촬영을 이용한 페암의 대한 조기검진 시기도 남녀공통 40세 이상을 시작연령으로 제시하고 있으나 조기검진의 연령확대로 인하여 다양한 연령층에서 시행하고 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 임상적 증상이 없는 자기결정에 의해 저선량 흉부 전산화단층촬영을 시행한 건강검진 대상자를 대상으로 40세 전후로 구분하여 진단적 효용성과 저선량 흉부 전산화 단층촬영의 대한 바람직한 방향을 제시하고자 한다. 분석한 결과 결절의 개수는 유의하게 나타났으나 방사선 피폭에 대한 전체적인 위해와 이득에 대한 정당성 확보가 이루어지지 않았다. 저선량 흉부 전산화단층촬영 정당성 확보를 위해 흡연력 있는 40대 이상을 시작연령으로 해야 한다.

• Survey Research
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.87-100
• /
• 2008

We calculated the predictive interval for the number of seats belonging to major political parties in the case of the 2004 General Election of Korea, using Bayesian frame of inference. Moreover, we proposed the adjustment procedure for correcting the minor group's propensity of refusal or nonresponse due to effect of the spiral of silence.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
• /
• s.251
• /
• pp.26-26
• /
• 1999

보비오가 근대적인 정치이념으로서의 중도좌파(사회민주주의)이념과 제도로서의 좌파정당의 유효성을 강조하는 반면, 기든스.벡.래쉬는 성찰적 근대화 이전의 전통적인 좌파이념과 좌파정당의 한계를 강조하고 있다.