• 대학교육
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• s.89
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• pp.28-33
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• 1997

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.47-52
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• 2017

The wave of democratization that started in southern Europe spread to South America and Asia, dismantling the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries and appeared as a Jasmine revolution in countries of North Africa and the Middle East. As a result, many scholars have actively carried out researches related to the sudden change of North Korea, while taking a cautious view that the Jasmine Revolution might occur in North Korea. The focuses of the studies were on the cause and timing of the sudden change and the main forces of the revolution in North Korea. There weren't enough discussions on how the process will be developed and whether there will be a system change. In this study, based on the results of analyzing the systematic changes of the Jasmine revolution nations, it suggested five scenarios that can be developed after the sudden change of North Korea. Scenario type I: Relatively peaceful and the possibility of regime change, Scenario type II: Reunification and then civil war, Scenario type III: Regime changed but one of Kim Il Sung family grabbing the power, Scenario type IV: Successful regime change but civil war happening, Scenario type V: Regime change failed and civil war continuing.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.249
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• pp.8-8
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• 1999

한국 사회학은 정보화.지구화의 급격한 사회변동을 분석, 이해하는 일, 정권교체 후 시민사회의 형성가능성을 탐색하는 일이 주된 과녁이었다. '현실과 변동'이라는 화두가 놓인 한국 사회학의 시대적 과제는 분명하다. 그 요구에 값하는 내부의 자기반성이 선행돼야 한다.

• Monthly Duck's Village
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• s.58
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• pp.38-45
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• 2008

정권 교체와 함께 종전의 농림부가 농림수산식품부로 확대개편됨에 따라, 오리산업의 전반적인 현황을 알리고 보다 실질적이면서 종사자들이 필요로 하는 정책을 제안하여 국내 오리산업을 더욱 활성화하고자 당국에 다음과 같이 오리산업 보고서 및 제안서를 제출하였다.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.7-34
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• 2014

This study analyzes the characteristics, implications, and problems of Social Network of Press Organizations from the Kim Dae-jung administration to the Lee Myung-bak administration in Korea. For analyzing these issues, this study attempts to investigate the traits of social network structure based on the density analysis, distribution character analysis and correspondence analysis in each and among regimes. To answer these questions, this study utilizes human relationship data which related to personal network aspects (place of birth, affiliated college) and expertise aspects (types of major field), and which data has been gathered from the biographical web-site of Press Organizations in Korea. The results showed that the membership format of each Press Organizations depends on the connection with political environment directly and indirectly. Especially, the network traits of Broadcasting Press Organizations stands out a place of birth aspect. This findings indicate that the broadcasting policy reality that the path of decision making is connected with the political environment is more effective.

• Proceedings of the Korea Technology Innovation Society Conference
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• 2013.10a
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• pp.630-641
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• 2013

• 주택과사람들
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• s.210
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• pp.68-71
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• 2007

강남 재건축 단지의 분의기가 심상치 않다. 최근에는 올 봄보다 소폭 오른 가격에 거래되는 등 반등 기세를 보이고 있다. 이는 수요자들이 내년 정권 교체 가능성에 무게 중심을 두면서 재건축 규제가 다소 완화될 거라는 기대 심리가 높아졌고, 강남권주택 공급의 저조에 따른 매수 수요의 움직임, 리모델링으로 선회하고 있는 재건축 단지의 시세 상승 영향이 컸기 때문이다. 내년 다선을 앞두고 강남권 재건축 시장의 최근 변화에 대해 살펴보았다.