• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.75-99
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• 2010

This paper aims to examine the causes and features of current generational conflicts in Korea and to discuss their implications. The data utilized in the study include collective data on presidential and general elections and secondary data obtained from empirical research. The findings are as follows. First, generational power conflicts express itself by struggles among generations concerning the timing of political power transfer. An average age of assemblymen decreases consistently regardless of changes in overriding ideological atmosphere in general - conservative vs. liberal. Second, ideological conflicts among generations were highly intensified around 2002 presidential election, but gradually moderated since 2004 general election. The conflicts might be re-intensified if a set of conditions were satisfied. Third, cultural conflicts between older and younger generations were contrasted around three cultual axes: economic growth with top priority vs. consumerism, collectivism vs. individualism, and authoritarianism vs. post-authoritarianism. To ease strained relations between generations, intergenerational programs were suggested.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.145-179
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• 2002

This study explores the change of family policy in Germany focused on political ideologies and instruments of CDU/CSU and SPD. In past 50 years after the 2. world war the family policy in Germany has been influenced by ideologies of 2 major political parties. With conservative political perspectives, CDU and CSU intend to strengthen the institution family and traditional division of domestic work. Therefore, they prefer indirect support methods by income tax benefit for family as political instrument. SPD with liberal political perspectives intends to support working married women and children. As political instrument SPD prefers allowance for child to indirect support system. This different political perspectives of 2 major parties have been reflected automatically on the federal administrative system(BMFSFJ) which takes responsibility of family policy in Germany. Through the analysis of attitudes to family policy of major parties in Germany this paper attempts to be manifest the problem of korean family policy and to find implications of german modell.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.197-221
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• 2018

The Cambodian People's Party swept all 125 assembly seats with 76.78% of the vote in 2018 general elections. The Cambodian National Rescue Party, having been dissolved by court, was excluded from the election and attempted to nullify the legitimacy of the election by demanding its supporters to boycott the election. The Cambodian People's Party launched a campaign encouraging to vote in a desperate need to thwart the boycott movement. The election then became an unprecedented kind of competition the winner of which is decided not by the percentage of the vote but by turnout. The Cambodian People's Party was the winner with the high turnout of 82.89%, securing the means to defend the legitimacy of the election. The potential supporters of the Cambodian National Rescue Party spread out with about a million voters switching to support the Cambodian People's Party. Over a half million invalid votes that unequivocally voiced opposition to the Cambodian People's Party were not sufficient to deny the legitimacy of the election. Having experienced the fierce competition in the 2013 general elections that threatened to end its rule, the Cambodian People's Party decided to secure its power in the upcoming election and executed a tactic designed to remove the rival party through legal means. Competition being removed, the Cambodian political system decayed back to hegemonic electoral authoritarianism from competitive electoral authoritarianism to which it had mad gradual progress through the general elections in the past.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.6
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• pp.875-885
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• 2018

This study analyzed the major issues of the Candlelight Rally and Taegukgi Rally registered in news comments of the politics section of the portal site from October 24, 2016 to March 19, 2017. We examined the political recognition of the two rallies with the Named Entity Recognition. The main analytical items are the responsibility for impeachment, the subject and method of settlement, and other major issues. As a result of the analysis, the comments of the Candlelight Rally focused on the impeachment support and the legal penalties of the regime ministers, and insisted on resolving the political situation through the next election after impeachment. The comments of the Taegukgi Rally focused on the rejection of the impeachment to maintain the regime and insisted on rejecting the impeachment of the Constitutional Court. The conflicts between the group that supported Candlelight Rallis and the group that supported Taegukgi rallies are predicted to last at least for the time being (Park Geun-hye's trial period) after the presidential election. After the impeachment of the President and replacement of the regime this conflict will develop into the confrontation between the pursuit of liquidation and new politics and the attempt to influence the trial of Park Geun-hye. Therefore, the efforts to integrate society in the aftermath are necessary.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.12
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• pp.545-557
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• 2017

In this study, as Korea's new government began, the voice of the so-called "real country" has increased, and what has been said about the "good country" and "good government". Therefore, based on the statements and researches on 'good country' and 'good government' that we talk about in our daily life, we collected associative statements about 'good country'. As a result of analysis, we classified the 'good countries' into 5 types as follows. is named "Trusted State Type" and is named "Workable State Type". is called "national type for children," is named "happy national type," and is named "living type." According to the results of the analysis, there is no significant difference in recognition of good countries according to age and occupation. In the twenty-first century, the Republic of Korea is forced to rethink its understanding of our "state" and the reason for its existence as a new government is introduced in a period of turbulence called regime change. This study intends to give meaning to the meaning of existence of 'Government' and opportunity to recall the desire and expectation of 'Good Government'

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.365-393
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• 2008

This research examnied the roles, the strategies and the influence of labor unions on the pension reform. In Italia labor unions were important actors in pension reform politics during 1990s, but in 2004 labor union was excluded from the pension reform. This difference is not only related with diffusion of the leftist party but also the experience of pension benefit retrenchment of the pension reform in 1995 in which labor unions had initiatives. Labor unions choose their strategies, social dialogue or mass struggle, depending on the attitudes of government. After change of government following the failure of the pension reform in 1994 Italian government tried social dialogue. In Dini reform in 1995, laborunions had initiative in making pension reform plan. Labor unions obtained member's approval using membership vote. It had repressed opposition from militant sectors effectively. However Labor unions concentrated on the issues of transition measures and protecting vested rights in seniority pension ignoring problems of contribution evasion of small-firm workers and benefit adequacy of young workers. Even when labor unions leaded social concertation processes and pursued union democracy, labor unions' influences on the pension reform had fundamental limitations.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.119-139
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• 2011

This study investigated the general perception of government public relations practitioners in the Noh Moo Hyun and Lee Myung Bak administrations toward media relations and false reports. It examined whether these government public relations practitioners' perceptions are different according to changing government public relations circumstances. This study also investigated how the perceptions of public relations practitioners toward media relations in two different governments affect the overall perception toward false reports. The results showed that the two groups had different perspectives toward media relations, false reports and the causes of false reports. Moreover, the perspectives toward media relations influenced their opinions about false reports. However, they had similar opinions about the way of preventing false reports.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.79-87
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to find decisive factors affecting Share-styled Apartment house Lee Myung-bak announced for the homeless masses in February 2008. This policy tried to add up defects from Half-priced Apartment house enforced in 2007. Seoul is ranked as the highest PIR(Price Income Rate) city in the world, as far as the difficulties in getting own house is concerned. Korean government has announced a lot of policies to control the price of real-estate, especially housing bubble phenomenon, since the convalescence from IMF financial crisis. By making questionnaires to get an important factor and taking counsel with related specialists, this thesis found what kind of roles the objects including government, institutions and people should play or focus on.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.15 no.7
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• pp.81-90
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to analyze the strategic behaviors of the Broadcasting advocacy coalition and IT advocacy coalition in the process of establishing the Korea Communications Commission(KCC) in 2008. Broadcasting and telecommunications convergence policy has been confronted with long-term conflicts because of ideological clashes between public interest and industrialism and stakeholder relations. Under this circumstance, the two advocacy coalitions sought to bring out the favorable outcomes through strategic behavior. However, the strategic behaviors were limited, and the establishment of the Korea Communications Commission was decided by political negotiation. Since then, KCC has been buried in political issues and has produced policy failure cases. In order to reduce these adverse effects, it is necessary to establish institutional devices in the reorganization process. Above all, efforts are needed to overcome the practice of using organizational restructuring as a political tool.