• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.87-114
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• 2006

The concept of alternative sphere is terminologically various; resistance media, counter media, minjung media, grassroots media, underground media, alternative media, civic media, etc. Each terminology reflect the feature of times and the emphasis of advocator. This article explore the transformation of alternative public sphere and its motive in Korea. In a world, Korea's alternative public sphere has changed as following: resistance media and liberty media in 70', counter media and minjung media in 80', alternative media in 90', and alternative media and civic media in 2000'. The motive of transformation is basically the expansion of civil society and extension of social movement in Korea. As social movement's character has changed, the feature of alternative public sphere has also changed. Minjung movement played key role of social movement in 1980', the alternative public sphere characterized as minjung media or counter media which was based on working class consciousness. After this, According as civil movement have initiative of social movement, the character of alternative public sphere changed by alternative media and civic media. Besides, this article argue that the alternative public sphere of Korea has changed dialectically with social movement.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.69-83
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• 2012

This paper attempts to explore the development of the media labor movement and its tasks. Due to the unique characteristics of information delivered by media, the media labor movement under the authoritarian regime was oppressed and regulated by the government. As democratization has proceeded, the state's oppression and regulation of media has been weakened. However, media workers should wage the struggle for union recognition and independence of editorship simultaneously. Because media unions as labor market organizations also seek for job security and wage increase, we need to understand both political dimension and economic dimension of union activities in media industry. While state's control over media has been diminished in the late 1900s, competition in media industry has been intensified. As small number of media corporations monopolizes the media market, the ecology of media has been completely transformed. Unions in media industry should respond to the change of the media ecology and should build solidarity among media workers at the same time. The achievement of the public nature of media as a part of democratization and building union federation of media industry as a response to the marketization of media still remain as an epochal task for media unions. Like the case of "Hope Bus" in the strike in Hanjin Heavy Industrial Corporation, solidarity between citizens and striking workers should be strengthened.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.31-54
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• 2012

This study explored possibilities and conditions of the SNS dromological paradigm and creative resistance in SNS era. For solve this theoretical questions, I analyzed authority of speed and material conditions. In order to attain this achieve, reviewed Virilio's theories which is criticizing speed, power and sense of artificial. And also studied Kittler's theories about material conditions, 'Information Machine'. Following those theoretical base, this study find social issues and advanced research's propensity for connecting SNS dromological paradigm. Furthermore, I designed depth interview to find SNS users think and experience. This study's significance of result is expanding cultural study filed in SNS approach and provided that exploratory sight.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.68
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• pp.65-86
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• 2014

Photography is frequently associated with the death because it seems to remind us of our own mortality by representing the dead people. The indexical character of photography reinforces this association. Photography is used in many ceremonial activities and medias to represent death. Five types of death photography can be differentiated: funeral portrait, post-mortem photography, conflict and disaster photography, death penalty photography, anatomic and forensic photography. These death photographies serve for four individual and social purposes: mourning and remembrance, resistance and struggle, rule and domination, disclosure and accusation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.211-230
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• 2009

This study aims to trace the main tendency found in Korean broadcasting news coverage of terror throughout the kidnapping of Sun Il Kim. For this purpose, this study analyzed the contents of 386 news stories found in KBS, MBC, and SBS. Through this process, it investigated the main theme and source found in the coverage of kidnapping. In addition, it analyzed how the press described Al Tawhid Al Jihad, known as the organization who kidnapped Mr. Kim and how well the press transmit the social, historical background of terror. As a result, the dominant theme found in three news company was that which dealt with investigations about suspicions about kidnapping and suspicions related to the kidnapping. However, the voice against dispatching armed forces and the demand of terrorist were seldom found in the coverage. The news sources which three broadcasting news depended on heavily was governmental officials and the media including Al Jazeera was also main source. The description of Al Tawhid Al Jihad by the press was somewhat negative and the expression 'militarized forces' were found mostly. The news which announced the social, historical background of terror were minimal, which indicated that the coverage of terror in Korean broadcasting was still episodic.

• The Monthly Diabetes
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• s.218
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• pp.56-59
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• 2008

몇 년 전부터 '웰빙'에 대한 사회적 관심과 언론매체에서 제공되는 당뇨병에 관한 다양한 정보는 당뇨인 뿐만 아니라 일반인에게까지 당뇨병의 위험성과 혈당조절의 중요성을 깨닫게 해주었다. 그러나 수명의 증가는 당뇨병과 더불어 살아가야 할 삶의 기간을 늘렸고, 또한 앞으로 합병증과 함께 살아가야 할 시간도 더욱 늘어나게 될 것이다. 당뇨합병증은 일반적으로 혈당조절 정도와 반비례해서 발생한다. 당 조절이 잘되면 합병증이 안 오거나 늦게 생긴다. 그러나 조절이 안 되는 경우 합병증이 빨리 오고 빨리 진행한다. 그래서 최근에는 과거보다 더욱 엄격한 혈당조절 목표를 제시하고 있어, 좀 더 일찍 몇 가지 혈당강하제를 병합하는 치료(조기 병합치료)를 선택하거나 혹은 좀 더 일찍 인슐린 주사치료(조기 인슐린 치료)를 시작하고 있다. 그러나 이러한 시도들, 특히 조기 인슐린 치료는 환자들의 강력한 저항에 부딪혀 실패하곤 한다. 이러한 저항은 대부분 인슐린 치료에 대한 공포(두려움)나 오해 때문에 발생하며 혈당조절을 어렵게 만든다. 따라서 필자는 당뇨병 발생과 치료에 있어 인슐린의 역할을 설명하고, 거부감 없이 인슐린 치료를 쉽게 할 수 있는 방법을 알아보고자 한다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.25-45
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• 2009

The convergence of broadcasting & telecommunication is not a reality by itself, but recognized as a reality by the discourse which defines and explains it. It is the premise from which this article aims at studying how the discourse on the broadcasting-telecommunication convergence is formed, practised and transformed. This study compares the case of France with the case of Korea in order to show how the same discourse can engender different consequences and evolve in a different way in different socio-political situations. The discourse of the convergence was born as a scientific knowledge in the reports of the European Commission and OECD, and accepted as an important object generating social debates. Then, the discourse faces the resistance of pre-existent discourses in France, while it spreads without clash in South Korea. The French discourse results in a horizontal regulation of contents and networks, while the Korean discourse creates a unique regulator for both traditionally distinguished sectors. Finally, unlike France, the scientific discourse of the convergence in South Korea is transformed into even a political, imaginary or utopian discourse.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

This essay deals with the bulk of problems of media raised by social inequality. I attempted to examine the relationship between inequality and media/information. In adopting the method of political economy based on dialectical viewpoint, I argue that collaboration among Chaebol, media, power result in the media capitalism. This mode of production has brought about the decline of public service and democracy. It led the Korean industrial capitalism to media capitalism. This mechanism is a dominant but unfair system with grasping of wealth, power, information. The media capitalism, based on profit, privatizations, power monopoly, remains democracy and public service in retreat. Chaebol-media-power complex plays an important role in cementing the establishment. We are reminded how much the dominant system has deteriorated the public interests of the media market and information.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.43
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• pp.7-46
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• 2008

The purpose of this essay explores a critical review of the Korean critical communication studies focused on the problematic of cultural studies and political economy in 2000s. The findings are as follows; The 'consumer turn' or 'audience turn' in new revisionism modelling John Fiske's cultural studies has been interpreted not to complement but to substitute the necessary criticism of the post-authoritarian media establishment of Korea at that time, arising identity crisis of Korean cultural studies as one of the critical camp. On other side, however, some political economy studies close to the unilinear theses of orthodox marxism has been appraised to neglect the complex process and structure of media and cultural production as well. While the press war between the market-dominant dailies and some progressive dailies has given rise to a whole debate as expected in consolidating period of Korean emerging democracy, the conjucturalism as modelled by Hall's 'authoritarian populism' failed to initiate a new theo tical practice in Korea. Finally, this review essay propose the some new research issues that would converge cultural studies and political economy, modernism and postmodernism; citizenship vs 'cultural citizenship'(valuing the private identity and gender) or Habermasian public sphere vs 'cultural public sphere', the culture of production, (modern)citizen/(postmodern)consumer(recently debated in English media policy), 'differentiation' in capitalist production and 'difference' in consumer sovereignty, 21c future vision of public service broadcasting as one of the 20c institutions.