• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.213-235
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• 2010

This paper examines the studies and its tendency on Japanese Confucianism Research from 2007 to 2009 in Korea. In recent years, Japanese confucianism studies in Japan, China and Taiwan have been introduced to the academic society of Korea. And many scholars who major in Japanese thought have been invited to Korea and published the results of their research in Korea. Also, there have been researchers who obtained the degrees of Doctor or Master by researching Japanese thought. This paper, lastly, introduced the papers on the Japanese confucianism which were published in Korea during the recent 3 years. If we evaluate all the trend in researching Japanese confucianism in Korea, it can be said that it is still in the early stages. Recently, however a small but significant advance has been acquired. In conclusion, we can expect the future of the Japanese confucianism studies in Korea.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.297-328
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• 2021

This paper aims to find out from what perspective Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars evaluated and understood Yang Xiong's guiding principles and literature at the micro level and to reveal the academic trends of Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars. This topic is approached as follows: first, an evaluation of Yang Xiong's way of living as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang (the controversial Emperor of the short-lived Xin Dynasty)'; second, Yang Xiong's literary character and his literary works; third, Yang Xiong's writing style; and fourth, Yang Xiong's view of good and evil. These can be summarized in three main ways: One is to agree with Zhu Xi's criticism of Yang Xiong as a 'senior state official of Wang Mang' and dismiss his guiding principles, academic achievements, literature, and other accomplishments. Most of these negatives have been found in Confucian scholars who are especially enthusiastic about theology. Examples include Hong Jikpil, Wi Baekgyu, Kim Wonhaeng, and Lee Sangjeong. In the case of kings such as King Yeong-Jo, the assessment of Yang Xiong is quite similar. The following assessments of Yang Xiong are positive though. Positive assessments are presented from two different views. One is a balanced approach that covers both the positive and negative aspects of Yang Xiong. For example, Heo-Kyun's understanding. Another positive view can be analyzed from three perspectives. The first case is when the scholars assessing Yang Xiong were not deeply influenced by Zhu Xi's criticism of him. Seo Geojeong and Seong-Hyeon are examples. The second case are those that broke away from theology or adhered to Silhak [Practical Studies]. Yi-Ik is an example. Third, assessments from scholars who posited that truth was of a pluralistic nature. Jang-Yu is an example of such scholars. Regarding theories of human nature; however, there was consensus among Confucian scholars that Mengzi held that human nature is good, and thereby it was common to criticize Yang Xiong's theory that human nature was a mixture of good and evil. From an ideal micro perspective, Joseon Dynasty Confucian scholars' different assessments of Yang Xiong show that their understanding and evaluation of Yang Xiong differed in accordance with their own differing worldviews and ideas.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.53-83
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• 2013

This paper aims to examine how issues related to the heaven-human relation (or nature-culture relation) affected Joseon intellectuals in the eighteenth century by considering Huang Yun Seok as a reference. As a significant indicator, the heaven-human relation issue has traditionally been a critical theme in the history of Confucianism. Since Huang Yun Seok accepted Western Learning based on Zhuxi Learning, he is a good example for examining this issue. Huang's ideas didn't depart too much from Confucianism, but he naturally became interested in Western Learning because of the enthusiastic admiration he had of Ancient Learning since he was a child. Principle-Number was consistent with Ancient Learning and Western Learning, and this was somewhat different from the original notion of numerology. It was used for understanding and explaining astronomical phenomenon. In understanding astronomical phenomenon, Huang used both fact-determined and value-centered approaches. Western astronomy allowed him to make an advance in terms of fact-determined approach while the value-centered approach gave him a portentological perspective on astronomical variation such as solar and lunar eclipses. This indicates one of the ways to keep Zhuxi Learning's identity itself amidst an inflow of new learnings.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.307-344
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• 2009

This year of 2009 is the 420th anniversary for the high treason case in the year of ox (year 1589). Until now, there is an endless discussion still progressing about Jeong, Yeo Rip. The evaluation of such individual varies widely according to the viewpoint of each individual. However, the problem is that such confusion or issue is exaggerated under the pretense of his idea's progressivity. The true identity and ideology of Jeong, Yeo Rip will become clear once we review such fact from the origin. This article considered abstract and ideological evaluation of occasion and took its approach thoroughly based on the historical research of literature. Until now, some parts academic world have denied and argued about the fabrication about every details of Jeong, Yeo Rip and event of high treason in the year of ox while accepting the habitual sentence spoken by such individual without a doubt. They have exaggerated Jeong, Yeo Rip as an 'Incompleted Revolutionist' or 'Individual of Revolutionary Ideology'. However, it is imprecise to speak about the terminology of 'Revolutionary'. His ideology is simply elucidating the principal of original Confucianism or a new interpretation of the principle of Confucianism. Jeong, Yeo Rip wanted to contradict the system of national school based on the Zhu-xi's ideology and returned to the principle of original Confucianism. His idea of utopia based on the Confucianism arouse out of the intention of reviving the spirit of original Confucianism. His antagonistic propensity to Zhu-xi's ideology or political idea has transcended the principle of justification based on Sung Confucianism and was also logical and realistic. He was forced on to the deadly circumstance since the society of Joseon Dynasty couldn't accept such logical and progressive idea and deemed him to be nothing more than a disturbing element for the society.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.36
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• pp.265-299
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• 2009

The Great Learning is an essential scripture of Confucianism that has had great influence on the politics, thoughts, society and culture of the East Asia which contains Korea, Japan and China. In case of Japan, the doctrine of Toegye(退溪) is flown into pre-Tokugawa era, and as the doctrine of Zhu Xi(朱熹) exercise influences over the other thoughts, the importance of the Great Learning is embossed relatively in Tokugawa era. The characteristic of Japanese confucianism of Tokugawa era is to lay weight on real world as such, and the Japanese confucianism has grown up academically centers on exhaustive reinterpretation about some Confucian classics. And Backho-Yoon Hyu(白湖 尹?), Seokye-Park Sedang(西溪 朴世堂) who lived in 17th century of Joseon dynasty attempt new interpretation about the Great Learning and they have an objection to the explanatory notes of Zhu Xi. In the same period of China, there are similar academic trends around Whang Jong Hi(黃宗羲), Ko Yeom Mu(顧炎武), Wang Fu Chi(王夫之). In other words, new views of real scholarship which reject emptiness and put much value on reality were current of thoughts that have been common to the oriental three countries in early and middle 17th century. The main object of this paper is to understand the attitude and understanding about the Confucian classics especially the Great Learning of the scholars who lived in early and middle Tokugawa era. It will be a decisive clue to understand the ninucture of thoughts system of them. Through these work, we understand how it has had influenced to thinking-ninucture and lives of the Japanese. And the other purpose of this paper is to understand characteristics of them when we compare that vking-ninucture and lives of the Japanese Confuciang-ninearly and middle Tokugawa era with in the same period of Jeseon and the later Ming(明) and early Ching(淸) dynasty.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.307-336
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• 2018

This paper traces the historical genealogy of the subjectivity and the silsim (實心, true mind) that appear in Jeong In-Bo's "gukhak" (國學, the national learning) thought and illuminates its characteristics. In the modern East Asian history of thought, the beginning of the emergence of subjectivity and the silsim as the main philosophical topic comes from the Neo-Confucianism of Song Dynasty in China. Cheng Yi is the first thinker to emphasize subjectivity and consciousness. Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming inherit the Neo-Confucian thought based on Cheng Yi's principle of subjectivity, but only show difference in methodology. In the Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Je-Doo and his School were one example of the Neo-Confucian spirit of subjectivity and the silsim. Although Jeong In-Bo (鄭寅普) belongs to Jeong Je-Doo's school of Ganghwa in the school curriculum, he has only used it methodologically since he believed that Yangming's learning is more effective in the awareness and practice of the silsim. Especially noteworthy is that the principle of subjectivity led Jeong In-Bo to follow the frame of Zhu Xi's moral theory. Jeong's claim that selfish desire (jasasim 自私心) should be controlled by a conscious mind (silsim) being aware of the right and 'ought to do' corresponds to Zhu Xi's view that the moral mind (dosim 道心) should be selected in the conflict situation between sensual desire (insim 人心) and moral consciousness so that the insim should be supervised by the dosim. Such ethics is a position to emphasize the inner motive and the sense of duty of conduct, and there is no fundamental difference in Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming. At least on this point, it is necessary to look at modern and contemporary Korean studies from the perspective of continuity, not discontinuity from Confucian tradition.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.177-207
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• 2016

This essay is dealing with Yang-Ming Studies' fundamental ideas, which are the goal of learning, the cultivation theory, and the ultimate goal in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue. The first, what is the goal of learning in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue: It is generally accepted idea that the goal of learning in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue is to be a sage. But there are different suggestions about the ideas above. The reason is like this: Zhu-Zi-Studies was eager to be a sage through its cultivation theory. Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue criticized the cultivation theory in Zhu-Zi-Studies. Therefore, some people don't agree with the idea that the goal of learning in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue is to be a sage. In this essay, I try to demonstrate that the goal of learning in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue is to be a sage. The second, What is the major cultivation theory in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue: The core cultivation theory is the Zhi-Ling-Zhi(Fulfillment Innate Knowledge of Goodness). For this, there is no question, but it is difficult how to learn and practice Zhi-Ling-Zhi in the daily life. I try to explain the right meaning and practice over Zhi-Ling-Zhi. The third, what is the ultimate goal in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue: It is general method in examine Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue that is comparing with Zhu-Zi-Studies. So there is a natural tendency focusing on the differences and similarity between Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue and Zhu-Zi-Studies. But If I say, what is the ultimate goal in Yang-Ming-Xin-Xue? That is the realization of Ren, Which is the harmony with all things in heaven and earth.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.33-52
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• 2011

This study intends to understand Kobong's thought, especially the problem of Self-cultivation. Kobong, along with Toegye(退溪), is a major figure to understand Confucian ideas of Chosun in the 16th century. There has been a lot of research centered on Kobong's Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情), but not much on the Self-cultivation of Kobong. Confucianism is basically to seek after actualization of Perfect Virtue(仁) and the way to be a sage, through the pursuit of self-discipline(修己 明明德) and social practice(安人 新民). The problems of Confucianism might be summarized as follows: interest and appreciation for the source of existence(知天/事天); harmony in relationships and practices(愛人/愛物); both of the above together. Therefore, Self-cultivation is to change the self, the subject of one's life, through the relationship between man and heaven. Kobong and Toegye had debated for about eight years(1559-1566) over the problem of human nature, especially emotion(情), and virtue and vice(善惡) fundamental position of Toegye is that the difference between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) can be understood as emotion with qualitative distinction. By contrast, Kobong sees the relationship between Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) as that of total and partial. Discussion on the Four-beginnings(四端) and Seven-emotions(七情) is not restricted within the problem of logical analysis of concepts or theoretical validity, but come to a conclusion with the problem of Self-cultivation(修養). In this sense, Kobong tried to follow Neo-Confucian theory of human nature and self-cultivation, on the assumption of Confucian self-discipline and social practice.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.97-129
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• 2008

Sin-jeokdo (Hogye, 1574-1663) was a general of patriotic army who protected the region of Euseong at the time of Qing dynasty's invasion in 1627(Jungmyo) and 1636(Byongja). He was an prominent figure outside government as well as a faithful confucian who spent his life with reading and teaching junior scholars after disgraceful treaty in the year of Byongja. Hogye understood the neo-Confucianism in terms of the whole duty of men(綱常) and righteousness(義理) which was in the status of sole official academic subject and thought its practice only hinged upon the practice of filial piety and brotherly love together with loyalty and sincerity based on morals between sovereign and subject, father and son. He, therefore, emphasized that the righteousness only can be accomplished by dying of children and subjects for filial piety and fidelity respectively, at the time of commotion. This was his spirit of righteousness which repelled Japanese army in the Imjin War and he insisted on defeating Japanese army in accordance with this spirit. Hogye's practice of righteousness is grounded on the spirit of Chosun Confucianism which stressed actual practices of moral principles and duties. His practice of righteousness shows internalized cultural sinocentrism and moral-centric, ethic-centric characteristic of Chosun Confucianism. Moreover, the moral consciousness which was shown in Hogye's thought helped to keep Korean's pride and observe morality and it served itself as a basis of commencement of nationalistic military, religious movements afterwards.