• The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.243-255
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• 2014

This study was investigated to estimate the relations between benthic environments and benthic polychaetous community from April 2012 to February 2013. Twenty four stations were selected sequentially with Seomjin River Estuary from the northern part of Gwangyang Bay. The study area could be divided into three characteristic zones based on salinity, water temperature, dissolved oxygen and pH such as Saline Water Zone (SWZ), Brackish Water Zone (BWZ), and Fresh Water Zone (FWZ). Salinity was above 30.0 psu in SWZ, drastically decreased toward inland in BWZ, and nearly zero psu in FWZ. SWZ showed its specific environmental characters like that water temperature fluctuated with little seasonal change and DO showed the lowest values among three zones, and pH maintained as consistent value without seasonal fluctuation. In FWZ, on the other hand, water temperature showed high seasonal fluctuation, DO showed the highest values among three zones, and pH fluctuated greatly. In sedimentary environment, mud, sand and sand/gravel were found as dominant sedimentary deposits in SWZ, BWZ and FWZ, respectively. Organic matter content and AVS in surface sediment were high in SWZ, while Chl-a content high in FWZ. This study area showed a marked environmental difference between FWZ and SWZ as follows: FWZ has coarse sediment and low salinity, low organic matter content, low AVS in FWZ but SWZ has fine sediment and high salinity, high organic matter content and AVS. Species number and mean density of benthic polychaete community was highest in Saline Water Zone (SWZ), drastically decreased in Brackish Water Zone (BWZ), and lowest in Fresh Water Zone (FWZ). Dominant polychates above 5.0% of individual numbers were 6 taxa. Lumbrineris longifolia, Prionospio cirrifera, Tharyx sp. occurred as main dominant species of all study periods, and Hediste sp., Praxillella affinis, Tylorrhynchus sp. dominantly occurred at some seasons. Inhabiting areas of dominant species were separated characteristically. Representative species in SWZ were Lumbrineris longifolia, Tharyx sp., Mediomastus sp.. Wide-appearing species between SWZ and BWZ were Prionospio cirrifera, Heteromastus filiformis, Aricidea sp.. Characteristic species in FWZ were Tylorrhynchus sp. and Hediste sp.. As the results of cluster analysis and nMDS based on the species composition of polychaetous community, unique station groups were established in SWZ and FWZ. Stations in BWZ were sub-divided into several groups with season. Pearson's correlation analysis and PCA between benthic environments and ecological characteristics of polychaetous community showed that salinity, sediment composition, organic content and dissolved oxygen played a role to determine the temporal and spatial distribution of the ecological characteristics as species number, mean density, abundance of main species, and ecological indices.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.229-236
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• 2003

This pot experiment was conducted in order to observe the effects of application of combined micronutrients(T$_1$: control. T$_2$; Fe, T$_3$; Fe+Mn, T$_4$； Fe＋Mn＋Cu, T$_{5}$; Fe+Mn+Cu＋Zn, T$_{6}$；Fe+Mn+Cu＋Zn+Mo, T$_{7}$； Fe+Mn+Cu+Zn+Mo+B) on forage performance of pure and mixed cultures of orchardgrass and white clover. The first part was concerned with the changes in the growth, summer depression, and flowering of forage plants. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. The T$_3$and T$_{6}$ resulted in a wide chlorosis induced by the Fe-deficiency on orchardgrass. Chlorosis was significantly reduced by the T$_4$and T$_{5}$, whereas the T$_{7}$, T$_2$, and T$_1$showed normal growth without chlorosis symptoms. The T$_{7}$ resulted in the best growth of orchardgrass both in the pure and mixed swards. There was no chlorosis symptom on white clover. whereas the T$_1$, T$_2$and T$_{7}$ showed a relatively good growth with deep green leaf-colour compared with the other treatments in the pure culture. 2. In summer, a summer depression occurred in orchardgrass: this was significantly reduced by the T$_1$and T$_{7}$. The treatments with chlorosis symptoms in orchardgrass partly induced a lodging. Summer depression in white clover did not occur. 3. In the pure culture, the T$_{7}$ and T$_2$in white clover resulted in many flowers and flower-buds compared with the other treatments. The T$_{7}$, especially, showed a long blooming period and an early full bloom compared with the other treatments, whereas the T$_{6}$ and is showed inferior numbers of them. Only the T$_{7}$ resulted in more flowers than flower-buds, and above 1 in the flower/flower-bud ratio except the T$_{6}$ in the mixed culture. 4. It was recognized that the chlorosis of Fe-deficiency occurred not only from the unsuitable ratios of Fe/Mn and Fe/Mo but also from the unsuitable mutual ratios among the cations(Fe, Mn, Cu and Mn), between the anions(Mo and B), and their total ion concentration. It was observed the multiple interactions of Fe${\times}$Mn${\times}$Mo${\times}$B, and the distinct role of B as a regulator.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.51-57
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• 2003

Purpose : Anorexia-cachexia syndrome is one of the most common symptoms and main cause of death in terminal cancer patients. This symptom is due to the enlarged cancer mass as well as tumor released cytokines. Some doctors have suggested that vitamin C was preferentially toxic to tumor cells in vitro and in vivo, and improved clinical symptoms in terminal cancer patients. Therefore, we measured cytokines in serum of terminal cancer patients to determine whether vitamin C treatment improved the anorexia-cachexia syndrome. Methods : We investigated that 49 terminal cancer patients admitted to the department of family medicine, National Health Insurance Corporation Ilsan hospital from March 1, 2002 to August 31, 2002. The study was done on 22 patients who were given 10 g/day of vitamin C infusions during 1 week and 27 patients who were not infused. We measured the cytokines levels ($IL-1{\beta}$, IL-6, and $TNF-{\alpha}$) before and after 1 week between terminal cancer patients treated vitamin C and without vitamin C. Results : Out of 49 patients, patents treated with vitamin C infusions were 22 (12 male, 10 female), and these without vitamin C were 27 (18 male, 9 female). In patients treated with vitamin C, $IL-1{\beta}\;were\;6.19{\pm}5.17$ before day and $8.76{\pm}5.72$ after 1 week, IL-6 were $3.07{\pm}8.09$ before day and $1.31{\pm}2.36$ after 1 week, and $TNF-{\alpha}\;were\;2.74{\pm}14.24$ before day and $0.50{\pm}2.00$ after 1 week. In patients treated without vitamin C, $IL-1{\beta}\;were\;2.50{\pm}3.58$ before day and $6.49{\pm}12.01$ after 1 week, IL-6 were $1.00{\pm}2.19$ before day and $17.16{\pm}81.55$ after 1 week, and $TNF-{\alpha}\;were\;1.19{\pm}2.98$ before day and $1.27{\pm}1.52$ after 1 week. The level of cytokines in patients treated with vitamin C decreased more than those without vitamin C. However, this represented no statistical value (P=0.0598 in $IL-1{\beta}$, P=0.1664 in IL-6, and P=0.5395 in $TNF-{\alpha}$). Conclusion : In terminal cancer, even if there was no statistical difference in the cytokines levels between patients treated with vitamin C and those not treated, those who were treated had a decrease all cytokines levels. Vitamin C is very safe with almost no side effects. Therefore, vitamin C treatment in terminal cancer patients can be seen as beneficial and helpful for clinical symptoms.

• The Korean Nurse
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• v.20 no.4 s.112
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• pp.50-59
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• 1981

간호학생들이 당연하고 있는 문제점 미래의 간호학생들이 교육문제를 논하기 위하여는 간호학생들이 가지고 있는 문제점을 파악하고 또 이해하는 것이 우선순위가 될 것이다. 간호학생들이 문제점에 대한 연구는 한국에서 뿐아니라 미국에서도 꽤 많이 시행되어져 왔으며 특히 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락되는 중퇴자들에 대한 연구들 중에 이러한 문제점에 대해서 언급한 것이 많다. 고등학교를 졸업하고 곧 대학과정에 진학한 학생들을 대상으로 조사 보고될 Munro의 자료에 의하면 전문대학과정에서 27$\%$, 대학과정에서는 41$\%$의 간호학생들이 간호학과정에서 중간 탈락하고 있음이 보고되고 있다. 이들이 중간탈락하는 데에는 여러 가지 이유가 있으나 그 중 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃어서''가 가장 큰 이유로 보고되고 있다. 이곳 한국사회에서도 역시 비슷한 현상을 보이고 있다. 그러나 대학입시경쟁과 대학내에서의 전과가 거의 허용되지 않는 특수여건이기 때문에 학교를 중간 탈락하는 율은 미국이 보고만큼 높지는 않으나 역시 ''간호학에 흥미를 잃는다''는 것이 간호학생들의 가장 큰 문제점으로 대두되고 있다. 최근 한국에서 시행된 간호학생들에 관한 연구(표 1 참조)에 의하면 간호학생들의 학문에 대한 만족도는 조사자의 35$\~$50$\%$정도에 불과하였고 더우기 이 비율은 고학년에 올라갈수록 더욱 감소되고 있는 경향을 보이고 있다. 한국에서 시행된 어느 연구보고에 의하면 간호학에 실망했다고 생각하는 학생이 전체의 67$\%$였으며, 다른 학교로 전과를 희망한 경험이 있다는 학생이 71$\%$나 되는 것으로 보고되고 있다. 그러나 왜 흥미를 잃게 되는지 그 이유에 대하여 설명해 주는 연구는 많지 않았다. 미국의 한 저자는 간호학생들이 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 원인을 간호원의 역할에 대한 이해가 정확하지 못한 것과 졸업 후 진로기회에 대한 인식부족 때문이라고 추측하고 있다. 간호학에 흥미를 잃게 되는 이유는 크게 다음의 세 가지로 분류 요약될 수 있다. 첫째, 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기이다. 간호학의 특수성으로 인하여 학생들이 간호학을 전공으로 택한 동기도 다른 전공분야보다는 훨씬 다른 여러 종류를 보이고 있다. 즉, 종교적 이유, 다른 사람들에게 봉사할 수 있는 직업이기 때문에, 쉽게 취업을 할 수 있어서, 결혼 후에도 직업을 가질 수 있기 때문에, 외국으로 쉽게 취업할 수 있어서 등이 간호학을 선택한 이유로 보고되고 있다. 흥미나 적성에 맞다고 생각하기 때문에 간호학을 택한 학생의 수는 다른 과에 비하여 훨씬 적다. 이러한 흥미나 적성 때문이 아닌 여러 가지 다른 이유들로 인하여 간호학을 택한 경우에 특히 간호학에 쉽게 흥미를 잃어버리는 것을 볼 수 있다. 간호학에 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들일수록 추상적이고 현실적인 개념을 가지고 있는 학생들보다 더 간호학에 지속적인 흥미를 가지며 중간에 탈락하는 율이 훨씬 적다는 것이 많은 연구에서 보고되었다. 또한 흥미나 적성 때문에 간호학을 택하였다는 학생들이 다른 과로 전과를 희망하는 율이 낮다는 것도 보고되었다. 둘째, 교과내용자체나 실습에 대한 불만족이다. 간호학에 대한 체계적인 교과내용의 결여, 과중한 과제물, 임상실습에서의 욕구불만, 실습으로 인한 부담, 지식과 실습의 차이점에 대한 갈등 등이 주요 이유로 보고되고 있다. 대부분의 연구들이 이 교과목이나 실습에 대한 불만족, 특히 실습경험에서의 갈등을 학생들이 흥미를 잃는 가장 중요한 요인이 되는 것으로 보고하고 있다. 어느 한 연구에서는 응답자의 90$\%$가 임상실습에 만족하지 못한다고 응답하였으며 그들 중의 88$\%$가 실습감독에 문제가 있다고 생각한다고 보고하였다. 셋째, 교수들에 대한 불만족이다. 대부분의 연구들이 학년이 올라가면 갈수록 교수에 대한 신뢰도가 낮아지며 또한 그에 비례하여 간호학에 대한 만족도가 낮아진다고 보고하고 있다. 교육내용에 대한 전문지식의 결여, 학생들과의 인간적인 관계의 결여, 교수법에 대한 불만족 등이 교수에 대한 불만의 주요내용으로 보고되었다. 미래의 간호에 부응할 학생교육 계속적인 사회적 변동과 더불어 급격하게 변화하고 있는 일반인들의 건강에 대한 요구도와 앞에서 기술한 문제점 등을 감안할 때 학생들에게 동기를 부여하고 간호학에 확신감을 가질 수 있도록 준비시키므로써 간호환경에서 실망하기보다는 오히려 그것을 받아들여 변화하는 사회요구에 책임감을 느낄 수 있도록 교육시키는 것이 미래의 간호학생을 준비시키는데 가장 중요한 요인이라고 할 수 있겠다. 이러한 교육을 위하여 다음의 두가지 안을 제시한다. 1. 교수와 학생간의 관계-서로의 좋은 동반자 : 교수들이 학생에게 미치는 영향, 특히 학생들의 성취도에 대한 영향에 대하여는 이미 많은 연구가 시행되었다. Tetreault(1976)가 간호학생들의 전문의식에 영향을 미치는 요인에 대하여 연구한 바에 의하면 다른 어느 것보다도 교수의 전문의식여부가 학생들의 전문의식 조성에 가장 큰 영향을 미친다고 하였다. 또한 학생들이 교수에게 신뢰감을 가지고 있을때, 교수들이 전문가로서의 행동을 하는 것을 보았을때 비로서 배움이 증가된다고 하였다. Banduras는 엄격하고 무서운 교수보다는 따뜻하고 인간적인 교수에게 학생들이 더 Role Model로서 모방하려는 경향을 나타낸다고 보고 하였다. 그러면 어떻게 학생에게 신뢰받는 교수가 될 수 있겠는가? apos;학생들의 요구에 부응할 때apos;라고 한마디로 표현할 수 있을 것이다. Lussier(1972)가 언급한 것처럼 학생들의 요구에 부응하지 못하는 교육은 Piaget이 언급한 교육의 기본 목표, 즉 개인에게 선배들이 한 것을 그대로 반복하여 시행하도록 하는 것이 아니라 새로운 것을 시도할 수 있는 능력을 가지게 하는 목표에는 도달할 수 없으며 이러한 목표는 간호학에도 가장 기본이 되어야 할 기본목표이기 때문이다. 학생들이 현재 어떤 요구를 가지고 있으며 또 어떤 생각을 하고 있는지 계속 파악하고 있는 것이 학생요구에 부응하는 교육을 할 수 있는 기본조건이 될 것이다. 의외로 많은 교수들이 학생들을 이해하고 있다고 생각하고 있으나 잘못 이해하고 있는 경우가 많다. 표 2는 현 간호학생들이 생각하고 있는 가치관과 문제점을 파악하고 또 교수가 그 가치관과 문제점을 어느 정도 파악하고 있는지 알아보기 위하여 일개 4년제 대학 200여명의 학생과 그 대학에 근무하는 18명의 교수진을 대상으로 질문한 결과를 간략하게 보고한 것이다. 또한 여기에서 학생이 보고하는 가치관, 문제점, 교수에게 바라는 점이 교수가 이해하고 있는 것과 차이가 있다는 것도 보여주고 있다. 우리가 학생들의 요구를 파악할 수 있도록 귀를 기울이고 이해하며, 그 요구에 부응하려고 노력할때 진정한 교수와 학생간의 관계가 이루어질 수 있을 것이며 이때 비로서 우리는 apos;partnershipapos;을 이룰 수 있을 것이다. 이때 간호학에 대한 실망은 줄어들 수 있을 것이며 우리도 학생들에게 전문가적인 태도를 함양시켜줄 수 있는 기회를 부여할 수 있을 것이다. 이렇게 될때 앞으로 기다리고 있는 미지의 의무에 효과적으로 또 적극적으로 대처할 수 있는 자질을 형성한 학생들을 준비해 낼 수 있을 것이다. 2. 간호모델에 의한 교과과정의 확립과 임상실습에의 적용 : 교과과정이 학생들의 모양을 만들어주는 하나의 기본틀이라고 말할 수 있다면 미래의 요구에 부응하는 학생들을 준비시키기 위하여 지금까지와는 다른 새로운 방향의 교과과정이 필요하다는 것은 재론할 필요가 없을 것이다. 이미 진취적인 간호대학에서는 guided design systems approach 또는 integrated curriculum 등의 새로운 교과과정을 시도하고 있음은 알려진 사실이다. 물론 간호모델에 준한 교과과정을 발전시키는데 대한 장점과 이에 수반되는 여러가지 새로운 문제점에 대하여 많은 논란이 있으나 모든 교과과정이 처음 시도될 때부터 완전한 것이 있을 수 없으며 시간이 지남에 따라 성숙되는 것임을 감안해 볼 때 이러한 새로운 교과과정에의 시도는 미래의 새로운 간호방향에 필수적인 사업이라고 하겠다. 이러한 교과과정을 개발하는데 몇가지 게안점을 첨부하려 한다. (1) 새로운 교과과정의 개발은 처음부터 끝까지 모든 교수진의 협력과 참여로 이루어져야 한다. (2) 비록 처음에는 어렵고 혼란이 있더라도 교과과정은 의학모델이 아닌 간호모델을 중심으로 이루어져야 한다. (3) 간호모델에서 다루어지는 개념들은 모두 직접 간호업무에 적용될 수 있는 것으로 선택되어야 한다. (4) 교과과정의 결과로 배출되는 학생들의 준비정도는 그 지역사회에 적합하여야 한다. (5) 그 지역사회의 고유한 문화적 요소가 포함되어야 한다. 아직 우리는 간호분야 내부의 갈등을 해결하지 못하고 있는 시기에 있다. 우리 내부의 문제점을 잘 해결할 수 있을때 외부와의 갈등에 잘 대처할 수 있을 것이다. 내부의 갈등을 잘 해결하기 위한 힘을 모으기 위하여는 동반자, 즉 교수와 학생, 간호교육자와 임상간호원 등이 서로 진정한 의미의 동반자 될때 가장 중요한 해결의 실마리가 될 것이다.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.35-55
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• 2013

Information technology is a critical resource necessary for any company hoping to support and realize its strategic goals, which contribute to growth promotion and sustainable development. The selection of information technology and its strategic use are imperative for the enhanced performance of every aspect of company management, leading a wide range of companies to have invested continuously in information technology. Despite researchers, managers, and policy makers' keen interest in how information technology contributes to organizational performance, there is uncertainty and debate about the result of information technology investment. In other words, researchers and managers cannot easily identify the independent factors that can impact the investment performance of information technology. This is mainly owing to the fact that many factors, ranging from the internal components of a company, strategies, and external customers, are interconnected with the investment performance of information technology. Using an agent-based simulation technique, this research extracts factors expected to affect investment performance on information technology, simplifies the analyses of their relationship with economic modeling, and examines the performance dependent on changes in the factors. In terms of economic modeling, I expand the model that highlights the way in which product quality moderates the relationship between information technology investments and economic performance (Thatcher and Pingry, 2004) by considering the cost of information technology investment and the demand creation resulting from product quality enhancement. For quality enhancement and its consequences for demand creation, I apply the concept of information quality and decision-maker quality (Raghunathan, 1999). This concept implies that the investment on information technology improves the quality of information, which, in turn, improves decision quality and performance, thus enhancing the level of product or service quality. Additionally, I consider the effect of word of mouth among consumers, which creates new demand for a product or service through the information diffusion effect. This demand creation is analyzed with an agent-based simulation model that is widely used for network analyses. Results show that the investment on information technology enhances the quality of a company's product or service, which indirectly affects the economic performance of that company, particularly with regard to factors such as consumer surplus, company profit, and company productivity. Specifically, when a company makes its initial investment in information technology, the resultant increase in the quality of a company's product or service immediately has a positive effect on consumer surplus, but the investment cost has a negative effect on company productivity and profit. As time goes by, the enhancement of the quality of that company's product or service creates new consumer demand through the information diffusion effect. Finally, the new demand positively affects the company's profit and productivity. In terms of the investment strategy for information technology, this study's results also reveal that the selection of information technology needs to be based on analysis of service and the network effect of customers, and demonstrate that information technology implementation should fit into the company's business strategy. Specifically, if a company seeks the short-term enhancement of company performance, it needs to have a one-shot strategy (making a large investment at one time). On the other hand, if a company seeks a long-term sustainable profit structure, it needs to have a split strategy (making several small investments at different times). The findings from this study make several contributions to the literature. In terms of methodology, the study integrates both economic modeling and simulation technique in order to overcome the limitations of each methodology. It also indicates the mediating effect of product quality on the relationship between information technology and the performance of a company. Finally, it analyzes the effect of information technology investment strategies and information diffusion among consumers on the investment performance of information technology.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.36
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• pp.101-133
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• 2013

In this paper, the writer investigated the thoughts on military art and science with a focus on the typical books on military art and science, which was published in the latter period of Joseon, and the discussion of literati in that time. Joseon had been happy to enjoy the piping times of peace for about 200 years ever since the establishment of the dynasty. However, having had to gone through two major wars, the Joseon Dynasty, revolving around scholarly people, had awakened the limits of military art and science of Joseon. It can be said that the countermeasure against Japanese pirates, which were reflected in the "Jingbirok" (懲毖錄 - Records of the 1592 Japanese Invasion) written by Yu Seong-ryong, and the experiences of war had formed the basis of the thoughts on military art and science in the latter period. Regrettably, there were no suggestions or proposals of preparing countermeasure against Japanese raiders in the books of military art and science in the early period of the Joseon Dynasty. Meanwhile, as the argument about the battle formation in the early period of Joseon, the process of establishing the military science had not gone smoothly in the latter period of Joseon. Right after the Japanese invasion of 1592, "Gihyo-Sinseo" (紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) was brought into the country by the army of Ming (明) Dynasty. At first, this was used in the form of its original edition, or of abstract version in the military drill. But, later, it was published under the title of "Byeonghak-jinam" (兵學指南 - Military Training Manual about Action Rules by combat situation). This book, same as in Zhejian (浙江) province in China, had achieved a positive effect on counteracting the Japanese raiders in our country. However, these military tactics were conflicted with "Owi Jinbeop" - Rules of Deployment of the Five Military Commands, which had been handed down ever since the early period of the Joseon Dynasty, and, at the same time, it was pointed out that those tactics would not be able to apply to the situation uniformly, since Korea and China were geographically different. Furthermore, having gone through Manchu Invasion of 1636 (丙子胡亂, Byeongja horan) Joseon had used "Yeonbyeongsilgi" (練兵實記 - the Actual Records of Training Army), which was compiled in China on the basis of the experiences of wars against the nomad, including Mongolia and so on. And, this had become a typical training manual together with "Byeonghak-jinam". King Yeong Jo and King Jeong Jo of the Joseon Dynasty had tried to establish uniformity in military training by publishing the books of military science representing the latter period of Joseon such as "Sokbyeongjangdoseol" (續兵將圖說- Revision of the Illustrated Manual of Military Training and Tactics,) "Byeonghaktong" (兵學通 Book on Military Art and Science,) "Byeonghakjinamyeonui" (兵學指南演義 - Commentary on 'Byeonghak-jinam') and "Muyedobotongji"(武藝圖譜通志 - Comprehensive Illustrated Manual of Martial Arts,) and so on. King Jeong Jo had actively participated in the arguments in those days. So then the arguments that had been continued for about 200 years, ever since King Seon Jo, put to an end. To sum up the distinctive features of military art and science in both former and latter period of the Joseon Dynasty, in the former period of Joseon, the reasoning military science was proceeded with the initiative of civic official based on "Mugyeongchilseo"(武經七書- the Seven Military Classics). However, in the latter period of Joseon, "Gihyo-Sinseo"(紀效新書 - New Text of Practical Tactics written by Cheok Gye-gwang) had served as a momentum, and also comparatively a large numbers of military official had participated in arguments, so then such an occasion had made the military science turn into the Practical Theory. Meanwhile, King Sejo and King Jeong Jo had played a leading role in the process of establishing the theory of military science of Joseon, however, there are something in common that their succession to the throne was not smooth. This is the part that reminds us "War is an extension of politics," the thesis of Clausewitz

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.1-38
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• 2002

This study examines the status quo of Korean archives and records management from the Governmental as well as professional activities for the development of the field in relation to the new legislation on records management. Among many concerns, this study primarily explores the following four perspectives: 1) the Government Archives and Records Services; 2) the Korean Association of Archives; 3) the Korean Society of Archives and Records Management; 4) the Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management. One of the primary tasks of the is to build the special depository within which the Presidential Library should be located. As a result, the position of the GARS can be elevated and directed by an official at the level of vice-minister right under a president as a governmental representative of managing the public records. In this manner, GARS can sustain its independency and take custody of public records across government agencies. made efforts in regard to the preservation of paper records, the preservation of digital resources in new media formats, facilities and equipments, education of archivists and continuing, training of practitioners, and policy-making of records preservation. For further development, academia and corporate should cooperate continuously to face with the current problems. has held three international conferences to date. The topics of conferences include respectively: 1) records management and archival education of Korea, Japan, and China; 2) knowledge management and metadata for the fulfillment of archives and information science; and 3) electronic records management and preservation with the understanding of ongoing archival research in the States, Europe, and Asia. The Society continues to play a leading role in both of theory and practice for the development of archival science in Korea. It should also suggest an educational model of archival curricula that fits into the Korean context. The Journals of Records Management & Archives Society of Korea have been published on the six major topics to date. Findings suggest that "Special Archives" on regional or topical collections are desirable because it can house subject holdings on specialty or particular figures in that region. In addition, archival education at the undergraduate level is more desirable for Korean situations where practitioners are strongly needed and professionals with master degrees go to manager positions. Departments of Library and Information Science in universities, therefore, are needed to open archival science major or track at the undergraduate level in order to meet current market demands. The qualification of professional archivists should be moderate as well.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.74-90
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• 1992

The purpose of this study is to know the effects on school lunch service programme of elementary school in rural area, by using the group consisting of the sixth year students in the schools that have provided them with the lunch for six years or longer(male student:312, & female student:324), while using the comparing group consisting of the sixth year students in the schools that have not provided them with the school lunch under their similar living condition(male student: 306 & female student:322). In addition, this study was carried out by examining all continued information about their height and weight shown in the developmetal record for six years from the 1st to 6th year, and by checking their eating habits on the basis of questionnaires. The result of this study is summarized as follows. As the result of comparing the values of their height and weight grown for 6 years, it was shown that the height of the male group provided with school lunch is 27.8 cm while the male group without lunch is 27.1 cm. And the female group provided with school lunch indicated the growing value of 29.9 cm while the group without lunch did 28.4 cm. Then, it appeared that both male and female groups provided with school lunch show higher growing values of 0.7 cm, respectively, and 1.5 cm than these groups without lunch. Also, the weight of the group without lunch was 14.8 kg. Moreover, the weight of the female group provided with school lunch was 16.9 kg while the group without lunch was 17.2 kg. Then, it was shown that the male group provided with school lunch indicates heavier growing value of 0.9 kg than the group without lunch while the female group without lunch does heavier value of 0.3 kg than the group provided with school lunch. It's figure showed that although this distribution according to percentile in the 1st year is similar to the standard regular curve it is positioned in the upper group(more thatn 70%) divided centering around 50% in the 6th year, of which distribution of children provided with school lunch was higher. When comparing the values of physical status in the 6th year, it was also shown that male children with school lunch are better than these children without lunch in jumping, throwing, chinning and lifting while female children are better than these children without lunch only in jumping, which were a significant difference. In addition, the group provided with lunch showed distribution of the higher physical grade. The result of analysis on their breakfast indicated that the children with every morning breakfast account for 67.6% of the group provided with school lunch while the group without lunch for 57.8%. Regarding the reason that they do not have the breakfast, the group with school lunch answered "Because of habits"(50.7%) while the group without lunch did "Because they have no appetite"(58.9%). When comparing the degree of preference for hot or salty food, it was apparent that these children with school lunch generally tend to prefer less hot or sailty food. With respect to the frequency and place of their eating between meals, it was shown that about 70.0% of both groups has the eating between meals, more than one time a day. Then, the group with school lunch had the eating between meals at home(45.2%) while the group without lunch did it in the process of returning to home(48.4%). Regarding the degree of their preference for a certain food, it was shown that more children of the group with school lunch do not prefer a food to others. Also, their eating attitude indicated that such children as eating the food with chat after completely swallowing food and with T.V watching are larger and lower among the group with school lunch, which showed a remarkable defference from the group without lunch. With respect to their sanitary habits such as hand washing and toothing, these children who always wash their hand before eating, accounted for 84.4 % of the group provided with school lunch while the group without lunch did for 63.6%, of which the female group with school lunch indicated a remarkable difference. The actual condition of their nutrition education showed that these children who answered "Received this education" accounted for 78.0% of the group with school lunch while the group without lunch accounted for 57.5%.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.3
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• pp.96-119
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• 2015

This research has studied the changes of Gwi-po(轉角包) by taking the cases of China's medieval wooden buildings as objects. The purpose of the study is to examine the time-periodic transition process of Gwi-po through the cases of 71 wooden buildings which were built from Tang(唐) dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) until Jin(金) dynasty(AD 1115~1234) and also designated as 'Major Historical and Cultural Sites Protected at the National Level'. This research has taken note of various frame types of Jwau-dae(左右隊), which are architectural components of Gwi-po, to study the changes and development process of Gwi-po. The results are as follows. An important factor in the transformations of Gwi-po format is the changes in perception of the craftsmen about Jwau-dae, who took charge in the building process. In the early periods, the principles of Yidou sanshen dougong(一斗三升) in constructing ancons of Gwi-po had been well-maintained, while there appeared many different types of Gwi-po in later periods, due to the usage of Jwau-dae and $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in each Chulmok of Gwi-po. Transitional types of Gwi-po, which were evolved from the earlier ones, are divided into 3 categories by different forms of Jwau-dae, placed on odd number stages. The first one is 'none-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125) buildings, which doesn't have $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s, for the reason that Jwau-dae(左右隊) is in direct contact with Gwihan-dae(耳限大). The second one is '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' of Song(AD 960~1127, 1127~1279) and Jin dynasty(AD 1115~1234), that has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae(左右隊) identical to $Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭) in form. The last one is '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Jin(AD 1115~1234) and Yuan dynasty(AD 1271~1368), which has $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(枋頭)s of Jwau-dae identical to $Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) in form. The earlier forms of Gwi-po, which appeared between Tang dynasty(AD 618~690 & 705~907) and Five Dynasties periods(907~960) went through transitional forms of 'non-$f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(無枋頭) type', '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' and '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' and finally had its form settled between Yuan(元, AD 1271~1368) and Ming(明. AD 1368~1644) dynasty periods. In Liao(遼) dynasty period(AD 907~1125), as the buildings got bigger and the tendency of longer eave-exposure was implemented, there grew a certain need to structurally reinforce Gwi-po, on which load of the whole roof is concentrated. Especially, the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style in this period had a great influence on standardization of Gwi-po, along with None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style. Furthermore, Wing-type Gong(翼型?), which developed in Liao dynasty(AD 907~1125), is also thought to have had a great influence on the transition from Tōuxīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(偸心造) style to Jì xīn $z{\grave{a}}o$(計心造) style by changing the forms of Gongs(?), such as Gwi-po. However, unlike None-${\acute{A}}ng$(無仰) style, there occurred a gradual change from '$Shu{\check{a}}$ $t{\acute{o}}u$ $f{\bar{a}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(?頭枋頭) type' to '$Xi{\check{a}}o$ $g{\check{o}}ng$ $t{\acute{o}}u$(小?頭) type' of Gwi-po in $Xi{\grave{a}}$ ${\acute{a}}ng$ style.