• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.20
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• pp.141-176
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• 2003

This paper examined how Korean courts conceptualized and applied public interest defense of Penal Code to the libel cases raised by socially influential persons. For this, this paper analyzed a total of 58 libel cases in which 'public interest' was mentioned by Korean courts between 1981 and 2000. It was found that whereas truth or believed-to-be-true defense is emphasized In libel cases by politicians or public officials, public interest defense was emphasized in the cases by private figures. It was also found that Korean courts tended to think of matters related with 1) national security and social order, 2) prevention of asocial crime, 3) enlightening of public, and 4) protection of consumers' interest as public interest. Conclusively, 'public interest' is not simply applied as an independent legal defense, because Korean courts insistently concentrated on the truth of a story and did not even specifically define what is public interest. Constitution Court recently maintained that the slope of legal defense should be broadened when a story is about public matters. However, Korean courts will not be likely to accept public interest defense as an independent one for the time being.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.115-142
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• 2016

This study aims to reveal the content of and logic behind a recent negative public sentiment toward female idols with the example of a debate over songstress IU's fourth album that was released late last year. While previous studies on fandom have focused on the identification process towards entertainers and making community, a recent phenomenon of "anti-fandom" or "malicious comments" implies that more research is needed on negative emotions such as hostility or schadenfreude (feelings of pleasure from others' misfortunes). Schadenfreude is a social sentiment that originated in modern liberalism, which features contradictions between public equality and private ownership, and that has been intensified in neoliberalism, which features a maximization of this contradiction centering on a meritocracy. Celebrities in Korea often become the targets of schadenfreude, which is associated with the suspicion that they gain popularity not from their abilities but from "just being popular." It should also be noted that this kind of schadenfreude operates differently between male and female entertainers. Specifically, the acquisition of money and fame by modern women whose presence used to be located in the private possessions of males is considered to be due to their unjustified use of sexuality. This is also the background of the recent online misogyny culture in Korea. In this context, IU, who had been successful at building a differentiated image of "sister-like idol artist," became a valid target. Although accusing IU of utilizing pedophilia reflects a stalemate that a current politics of sexual violence faces, it rather damages the name of an individual than attracts public attention to the structural causes of childsexualabuse. This is why I see the way that pedophilia was used in the debate over IU as a schadenfreude. Consequently, the term pedophilia here contributes to an expansion of the entertainment economy that is sustained by rises and falls of the celebrities' stock prices.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.219-236
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• 2011

Since the end of the $19^{th}$ century, Korean English-language newspapers have been published in Korea to inform readers about Korea and Korean people's point of view concerning world problems. Among them was the Korean Republic (KR), the former name of the Korea Herald, founded on August $15^{th}$, 1953 (Korean Liberation Day from Japanese colonial rule). This newspaper was started especially to report on international affairs, just after the Armistice agreement was signed on July $27^{th}$, 1953, at the initiative of the first president of the Republic of Korea, Syngman Rhee. He vehemently expressed his and the Korean people's opinion about Korean problems in world politics where big powers were dominating and deciding small countries' destinies. This paper is written to show that Korean English-language newspapers were used as tool of public diplomacy not only for the readers of target countries but also for Korean readers, well before the media diplomacy theory became popular several decades later. In the deplorable world situation where Korea was colonized and divided into halves by the wills of the super powers, the Korean media participated actively via dialogue in English to solve the Korean problem. This paper studies the editorials of the KR for one year, the year just after its foundation. Vis-a-vis the United States, the KR defended its political system of free democracy by insisting on the Korean people's hopes, the reunification of the peninsula and acquiring American assistance in economic and military areas. Regarding Japan, Korea had doubt about its expansionist policy by way of rearmament. First, the Korean government tried to defend its territorial waters, including Dokdo Island. As for multi-lateral relationships, Korea was concerned about the spread of communism to its territory in the world where socialism was dominating.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.50-73
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• 2011

This paper investigates the effectiveness of Real-Name System on Internet, which has been applied to some Internet service provider bulletin boards in Korea. The goal of the Real-Name system on the Internet is controlling expression of slanderous or abusive language. The effectiveness of the regulation is dependent on the people's perceptions and attitude toward to the legislation. This empirical study examines the antecedents that affect the perceptions and attitude toward the regulation. Further, we investigate the relationships among variables such as internet public sphere participation, attitude to the regulations, and intention to choose detours. Results of regression analysis show that the younger and the more progressive individuals are, the more they oppose the implementation of the law. Also, it was found that people who have more political interest and participate more actively in public sphere via internet, tend to oppose the law. Structural equation models reveal that participation in online public sphere drives negative attitudes about the regulation. In addition, people with negative perceptions about the law tend to choose the detours such as 'cyber asylum' and 'service asylum'.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.71
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• pp.33-51
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• 2015

In South Korea, the community building projects and so-called 'community businesses' are recently regarded as one of the popular issues for the local people and social activists. The project seems to be a miracle resolution for various social matters such as the deteriorating welfare, health care, security system and the worsening income problem, etc. But these promising social discourses and practices which encourage to build communities are not only constructing 'good governance' for the sound cooperation between the state and civil society, but also allowing government technologies to manage and regulate civil society and citizens. This irony of building community is not yet thoroughly considered. The aim of this article is to ask 'Is building community good for all of people?'; 'How does community guarantee the freedom of people who participate in?'. The reflection for community in South Korean Society has related to The May 18-community in Gwangju. The May 18-community is a keystone for understanding the ethos and pathos of community. This study tries to unravel the relation between the May Uprising and the idea of community throughout affects and hearts of participants. The lived experience and testimony of the people of Gwangju in May, 1980, reveals that community should not be in an order and an notion of security. Examining hearts of members of 'whatever community' in the May Uprising is essential to imagine a new form of community which incorporates liberation and freedom as its base.

• Korean Journal of Family Social Work
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• no.43
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• pp.87-110
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• 2014

This study is to understand the psychosocial experience in 'Cheonan Warship Incident Survivors'. The study question was how psychosocial experience in The Union of Family Bereaved by Cheonan Warship had been progressed. To answer this question 4 representers ofthe group and 2 reporters had been interviewed using a qualitative research method based on Phenomenology method. From this study the group's experience in had been revealed that they first crisis intervention are to identify and reinforce the strengths and coping skills of a one's family. Second, they gathered their opinion together and assigned the roles to the members, and then, requested what they want responding reasonably. The families' love, the representers' quick judgements and decisions, and the embarrassment of the military and media for the dead, who had been abandoned for long and decayed under the cold ocean, made the national support and respectful treatment possible for the dead and the family. The results of study will be applicable for individuals and groups, who need social work service as an empowerment intervention approach and crisis intervention are to identify and reinforce the strengths and coping skills of a one's family. The social worker's ability to anticipate, understand, and give therapeutic direction to the crisis reaction and the concerns of family members helps to bring around a successful crisis resolution. It is clear to us that wars, suicides, homicides in school settings, disaster and other events are providing unique challenges to social workers who are interested in learning more about the effects such events have on victims of traumatic events.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.

• The Journal of the Institute of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.61-70
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• 2017

This study analyzes various aspects of the Internet broadcasting that has rapidly increased in South Korea recently. Due to the development of technology, the Internet Broadcasting industry that ordinary viewers do the broadcasting themselves has appeared. Today, the most popular platform of the Internet broadcasting in South Korea is "Afreeca TV", which allows BJs do broadcasting in their channel with own contents. Related to current chaotic Korean society, Current Affairs/Politics becomes one of the new popular genres. Specifically, this study focuses on BJ Hammer Wife as a case study, who is famous in the Current Affairs/Politics industry. Then it examines what characteristics of her channel, her opinions, and the method of communication with common viewers implicate messages regarding the freedom of speech in South Korea. Throughout this, it explores that the Internet Broadcasting functions as a place for conspiracy or discussion, and discusses the blueprint of the Internet broadcasting.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.5
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• pp.105-110
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• 2023

This article attempts to analyze John Greenleaf Whittier's anti-slavery poems. As a Quaker, he criticizes and satirizes the rife slavery in the mid nineteenth century. His thoughts are based on his religious belief. "The Farewell of a Virginia Slave Mother" depicts the mother who lost daughter for she was sold to the South. The harsh state of the corrupt South is described. In "Massachusettes to Virginia," the speaker, deploring the moral corruption of Virginia, denounces any attempt to return slaves to slave states. With a moonrise as a socio-political symbol, "Arisen at Last" celebrates the passage of law to protect fugitive slaves. Written after the Civil War, "The Peace Autumn" celebrates the peaceful situation in which Emancipation was declared. His efforts contributed to the abolitionist literature.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.44
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• pp.33-62
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• 2013

In this paper, the consolidation of ICT basic legislation and ICT special legislation concerning "Ministry of Science, ICT and Future Planning" and "Korea Communications Commission" which came on the back of governmental reorganization in recent years is discussed in the theoretical and practical aspect. Development of "data communication technology" innovatively changed the method of livelihood of mankind, the emergence of network under global dimension provided financial social benefit and posed a challenge and a threat at the same time. Form digital revolution human kind can expect to receive many important blessings. Nevertheless, there are many advantages of development of technology by digital revolution, cyberspace like online media, internet etc. has realistically many problems that must be solved. To maximum positive aspects like the expansion of freedom of expression and creating plan of economy by the advance of transmission technology is needed. And to minimize side effects of informatization is required more. The First, Special Act on ICT has an adaptation in normative standardization to be fit in media convergence beyond convergence of broadcasting and telecommunications. Henceforth, there must be established a legal basis for the achievement of protection of economic evolution and freedom of speech in digital media, information, communication technology and content development. The second, the government action is to accomplish economic development and freedom of information in structural aspect of norm. Therefore minimizing normative problem by reorganization of organization remains clearly unresolved in politics. The third, Special Act on ICT must be basic law covering info-communications field, pay telecommunication and media contents field. The forth, from a technical point of view, net neutrality, conflict of interest for digital content and so on can be fixed easily. Special Act on ICT must not only pursuit of development of industry. Special Act on ICT and pursuit of enhancing quality of life of people and preparing program to promote democratization. From now on, we need to make powerful nation of information& communications technology and in information human rights protection field got to be one step ahead of others with reference to appear all the various aspects must be brought together in the discussion of legislation process of Special Act on ICT.