• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.43
• /
• pp.117-151
• /
• 2008

This paper regards former Samsung lawyer Kim Yong-Chul's action of claiming Samsung Group's slush fund as typical Whistle-Blowing from inside. News frames in KBS, SBS TV were examined through comparative analysis. In formal feature, 'episodic news frame' hold an absolute majority in both stations. From news sources, the group of whistle-blower such as lawyer Kim Yong-Chul and civic groups was confronted with Samsung and state authorities including the Prosecutor, financial agencies. Analysis on the theme of news coverages demonstrated 5 frames: 'public announcing frame', 'news of conflict frame' 'demanding a close inquiry frame', 'declaration of conscience frame', 'causing social upheaval frame', Analysis result shows that 'public announcing frame' was most frequently used in reporting and there was distinction between KBS and SBS in 'declaration of conscience frame' and 'causing social upheaval frame'. Relatively KBS preferred 'declaration of conscience frame' and SBS would use 'causing social upheaval frame', from which reciprocal relation as media ownership could be analogized. Both media tend to make light of in-depth news coverages on structural issues or essential settlement and it is shown that both stations treated this situation with intriguing audiences as stressing sensitive parts in this event. Follow-up of changing process of 'declaration of conscience frame' through diachronic analysis on framing informs that additional exposure of 'Lee Yong Chul', former secretary in Nov 19, 2007 influenced increasing of frequency of using 'declaration of conscience frame'. However, news reporting on whistle-blower in KBS and SBS generally adheres to passive attitude of following changes in the surroundings rather than playing an active role in improving social recognition on whistle-blowing, which can induce to the spread of negative feature on it. Thus it is assumed that terrestial television broadcasting should regard whistle-blowing as contradiction in social structures and active depth reporting seems to be neded for improving social recognition on whistle-blowing.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.57
• /
• pp.33-48
• /
• 2012

Over the last decades, the issue of work or labor has played a critical role in prevailing discourses to represent the changed economic reality. Aesthetic labor, cultural work, network labor, team-work and alike, have played a dazzling role to represent the emerging economic order, employing the word of labor. Certainly, it is not less than a part of a wide range of shifts in order to make capital work with more effect by making up a workable and governable subject. In this article, I try to examine shifts around the media work which has contributed to expand the new discourse of 'labor.' I will say that it is quite crucial for accounting for the reality of media work to shed light on moves to represent media work, and, among others, one to transform the subjectivity involved in it among others. Furthermore, it would be necessary to take a close look at the subjectivity of media work and its modification to deal with and eliminate the precariousness of media work. Saying about media work without paying any attention to heterogenous and various practices to compose a media work, one is forced to regard media work as the matter of economic and legal interests. In addition, it would bring about that the cultural political concerns of media work will be detached from critical sight of the media cultural studies. Referring to major studies around media work in critical media studies, cultural studies and political economy of communication, this article will briefly look into the arrangement of contentions around subjectivity of media work in South Korea. And it will try to suggest what cultural-political strategy we need to investigate, fighting against the hegemonic power to generate and regulate media work and its workers in precarious conditions. It does not intend to search the media work and its complicated realities in detail in South Korea. I wish that it would make a preliminary step to propose and elaborate the critical analysis of media work and its form of subjectivities.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
• /
• v.7 no.6
• /
• pp.1407-1415
• /
• 2006

Japan started to colonize Korea in 1910. It's when It forced and made Chosun sign on the Treaty of Protectorate. The Chosun faithfully practiced Japan's colonial policy over Korea. Futhermore, it stopped many Koreans from an anti-Japanese movement and tried to make Koreans have a positive attitude towards Japan. For this, Japan advertised the policy called Nae-sun-il-che which meant Korea and Japan were a community together from the same root. Ultimately, it targeted on absorbing Korea within their territory. With this goal, Japan kept on practicing the policy to acculturize and brainwash Koreans, totally depending on force and pressure from 1910 to 1919. However, this policy had changed by the overall anti-Japanese movement happening on March 1st 1919. Saito, the third governor-general who was appointed laster on, made an effort to win over He favor of Koreans in a less forceful way of the cultural politics. The change of policy had been specified in diverse actions such as permitting civil mass-media bodies forming the observation groups and opening conferences. In the case of daily newspapers, Japan had permitted only the ones by the Government-General of Chosun such as Maeil-shinbo, Kyunsung-ilbo, and Seoul Press before, but then other civil newspapers In Korean stated to be released. Along His Japan formed both Korean and Japanese observation groups to promote the mutual understanding and showed off Japan's goods in the propaganda films by implementing a film department. It's because Japan totally recognized and understood the impact of films. Therefore, Japan distincitively established a film agency for the production of propaganda movies while it banned the civil film production after 1937 when Japan started the war against China and USA in row. So, only one film agency, ruled by the Government-General of Chosun, produced movies from 1942 to 1945.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.133-172
• /
• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.29
• /
• pp.241-278
• /
• 2017

This study aims to classify broadscale anti-religious movements in Korea based on critical public sentiment and analyze the meanings of these movements. To carry out the research, global religious changes that have occurred in modern times were closely looked into first. The world religions have had an influence on the world's religious awareness. As a result, they intend to acquire universality on their own individual grounds while keeping consistency with the past. This phenomenon used to appear to retain the identity, recreate tradition, transform itself to fit in the present times, pursue innovation, or even become overshadowed by other forms of thought such as when religions have collided with nationalism. How does Korean society perceive the changes that emerged in world religions? In general, the circumstances that Korea faces in this era tend to manifest themselves via the Internet, multimedia, and Youtube wherein they sound off on religion and this includes criticism of Christianity, demand for reformation, attack on minor religions, pro-reform academic circles and media, and the propagation of anti-theism. Criticism of religion is interpreted as an anti-religious movement. The secularism and anti-theism brought up by some Western scholars and critical theories of religion from scientific or historical perspectives are being spread through bookstores. Christianity is prone to reflecting on itself and trying to emphasizing a meta-religious spirituality. This in short, characterizes anti-religious movements in Korea. Indeed, criticism against particular religions has also emerged in the past. However, anti-religious movements that have recently come into existence in Korea are in some regards unprecedented when compared to that of the past in terms of their patterns and context. Especially, the active anti-Christianity movement in general is definitely a new phenomenon. This research mainly focused on Christianity, but on-going anti-religious movements will be a major topic for further research that aims to understand the religious changes unfolding in Korea.