• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.189-219
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• 2020

This study is an analysis of Handol Heung-Gun Lee's Tarae, which is a coinage combining the Korean words for "playing an instrument" and "song", in terms of narrative and aesthetics. The components for analysis are the phenomena and nature of binary oppositions between nature and human beings, between alienation and interest, between division and unification, and between diaspora and people of the national community. Tarae in the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s described the experience of pain and loss from non-resistance and disobedience in protest against social problems that emerged during the era of miliary dictatorship, such as industrialization, urbanization, reckless development, Westernization, university-oriented education, the gap between rich and poor, human alienation, and the conflicts arising from the division of the nation. After Handol overcame the lack of creative motivation with self-reflection and effort, Tarae took the form of a diaspora epic meta-narratives integrating the "sound of nature and his true nature" and "the awareness of diaspora and the spirit of the Korean people". The epics of the homeland, the national soil and the people, which began with "Teo", became more intense in terms of a sense of diaspora as they shifted their focus from an origin to a path with "Hanmoejulghi" as the turning point. Handol seeks inspiration in the source of narrative rather than in music. His Tarae focuses on "adding rhythm for lyrics". For this reason, the semiotic features of Tarae have a limitation in that its extrinsic phonology is simple even if its intrinsic meaning (i.e., emotion of sadness) is profound and subtle. In order to elicit sympathy from the audience and impress them, it is necessary to strike a balance between the implicit (semantic) part and the explicit (phonological) part. To share the emotion of sadness with more people, it is necessary to strengthen phonological elements. Sympathy for sadness and deep impression on the audience are more often induced by the mood of similar sentiments than by the stories of the same experience. The aesthetics of sadness in Tarae began with the narratives of past experience which were expressed in the contexts of loss, loneliness, and poverty that Handol had experienced since childhood. However, the aesthetics of sadness, deepened over the period of a long hiatus in Handol's career as a composer, formed the narratives of ultimate salvation, embodying even the diaspora experience of others (e.g., displaced people, overseas adoptees, ethnic Koreans in Russia, victims of Japanese military sexual slavery, etc.). This gave Tarae the potential to go beyond the limits of the ethnic group of Korea. Tarae, as a "dispersed sound", can benefit from the appeal of deep sadness at the point of contact with other forms of world music. It may form a global diaspora discourse because Tarae is oriented towards interculturalism rather than anti-multiculturalism. The future challenge and goal of Handol's Tarae would be to continue to find areas of sympathy and broaden the horizon of awareness as diaspora music.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.23-36
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to infer the aspects and significance of Musa basjoo of latter part of Chosun Dynasty by analyzing the planting tendency and planting location of Musa basjoos drawn in total 77 old paintings and the characteristics of the paintings where Musa basjoos appeared, while trying to understand symbolic meanings of floral languages as well as the images and significance of Musa basjoos which appeared in the prose and poetry of Chosun Dynasty, and the results are as follows; With its floral languages of 'waiting', 'parting' and 'beauty', Musa basjoo represented the wealth and resuscitation and it aroused the elegance of hermits in its Taoistic sense. And it also represented 'the unworldliness to get out of transient human affairs' in its Buddhistic sense. Musa basjoos which appeared in 'Garden Custom Painting(庭園雅集圖)', 'Gosa Figure Painting(故事人物圖)' and 'Gyehoe Painting(契會圖)' is considered a device to increase the unworldly atmosphere of gardens and to dignify the elegant meetings of scholars, reflected by the high appearance frequencies of cranes and deer. And it seems that the meaning of Musa basjoo in certain paintings like 'Life-time Paintings(平生圖)', 'Castle City Painting(盛市圖), and 'Cultivating and Weaving Painting(耕織圖)' is an aspiration for wealth and prosperity, and the Musa basjoos planted in temples are considered to have symbolic meanings of aspiration for 'Salvation through Belief' as well as a unworldly meaning which reminds the transiency of human affairs. In addition, the expected effect of experiencing 'the sound of rain falling on the leaves of Musa basjoo' has been pursued, which can be confirmed by the fact that Firmiana simlex with wide leaves similar to Musa basjoo can be frequently spotted near the houses. Meanwhile, Musa basjoos seem to have been planted mainly in front garden or side garden around detached house and Musa basjoos inside the houses seem to have been planted mainly in right side when viewed from the entrance, in relation with the location of bedrooms where it is easier to hear the sounds from the right side of the environment. And the paintings where Musa basjoos appear with strange rocks and bizarre stones among other things have greater part of all the paintings, which is considered a kind of intentional landscaping and a product of mixed materials for elegant appreciation. And the major characters of the painting were involved in the activities of scholars such as arts, and the activities of minor characters were greatly related to their everyday lives. Musa basjoo of Chosun Dynasty in $17^{th}$ and $18^{th}$ century was one of the symbols necessary for description of gardens. And it provided the images of rainy scenes together with scholar culture which had a meaning of self-discipline, and it is assumed that the planting of Musa basjoo with the spirit of cease lessen deavor of a new leaf pushing up the tree and the spirit of resuscitation had the same trace of wheels in the city space of our country as the decline of scholar culture of Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.18-41
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• 2017

The Gangjin WolnamSaji(月南寺址) is a small site where three-story pagodas and a destroyed tombstone remained. In 1973, it was discovered that the destroyed tombstone was that of the second master of Susunsa, Hye shim(慧諶), who had a special relationship with the military regime in Goryeo, and it once again attracted attention as a result of the recent excavation of the Rooftile of Yeonhwamun(蓮花文). In particular, the Windchime excavated in 2012 is a large-sized one group with a length of 23cm, and a relatively large Sanskrit character was decorated on four sides of the body. In addition, it was also confirmed in preservation process that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' was engraved. The Sanskrit characters(梵字) om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ), brum( , bhrūṃ) were decorated on the body of the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji. Om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ) are known as the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of having the highest honor. In addition, the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) allows us to understand the truth by responding to the principle of universe, which is the Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那佛), and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of unity. In the end, the meaning of the Sanskrit decorating the four sides of the Wind-chime, of WolnamSaji(月南寺址), can be interpreted as the expression of the Buddha's doctrine, or the willingness to be combined with Buddha, the highest existence in itself. It is possible that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' carved on the body can be regarded as the name of the master craftsman related to the making of the Wind-chime, but it is unlikely that it is the name of the master craftsman, considering that it is a place where the location is not easily seen. If so, you can think of the original function that the Wind-chime has. In other words, it can be interpreted symbolically and implicitly that the wish of the sound of the airwaves symbolized by the words of the Buddha covers the sky and spreads all over the place. It is thought that the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji(月南寺址) was made in the mid to late 13th century considering the comparisons with another wind-chime excavated from the temple site, the historical situation in the late Goryeo, the publication date of the scriptures(經典) of Esoteric Buddhism(密敎).

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.187-221
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• 2018

The style of performance to contemporary nongak is not fixed in a specific period of time, but in conjunction with the total change in society that has occurred during its long time from traditional society to the modern times. It is important to recognize that the traditional performance art forms that we see and feel today, including nongak, are constantly interacting with the times and are a change in the design that has been shaped in the past. Now, we must get rid of the negative idea that there is some fixed prototype in Nongak. Also, the value and the need for preservation of current Nongak should not be evaluated according to the ' pure genealogy of village descent, ' which was possible only in villages with small population movements long ago. If can get rid of the stereotypes, can greatly expand the view that we read the values of a certain Nongak. Looking away from a few of these traditional fixed perceptions can significantly broaden the view of reading the winning values of some farmers ' songs. In this regard, this report determined the performing style and nature of Changwon's Toichon-noangak through a structural analysis of the Toichon-noangak in contemporary, and discussed the significance of the transmittion of Toichon-noangak. Changwon Toichon Nongak started out as an even-present ritual performance based on the religious nature of the village community and actively exchanged with the economic, social and cultural foundations of the Republic of Korea, which began to accumulate in the modern changes. Generally, the performance style of village Nongak has a combination of characteristics according to the ritual, Dure(collective labor), entertainment, and these three functions. Toichon Nongak is also a village Nongak style and in which of ritual nongak and village entertainment nongak are connected in parallel as one in the big total structure. The origin, background, purpose, and style of towing of Toichon noangak demonstrates that the Toichon noangak is originally ceremonial noangak derived from a prayer style of Dongje. Then, various factors influences are interacting with Toichon noangak within the orbit of modern society, such a style of playing, popular nongak, is believed to have undergone an extended change. Overall, Toichon nongak performance style can be called nongak, which maintains traditional customs and it also has the changed characteristics according to the times of village society.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-10
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• 2000

In 1993, many bronze artifacts were excavated from the Sanoesa Temple(思惱寺), Chongju, Chungbuk. Twelve items were selected and chemically analyzed with AA Spectrometry and ICP-Atomic Emission Spectrometry. They were also observed under the optical microscopy and SEM. According to the results from chemical analysis, production method and use, these artifacts were classified into four groups: casting, wrought and welding products, and bells. Cast products, probably used for ritual, were alloy of 70% Cu, 10% Sn and 20% Pb. They showed ${\alpha}+{\beta}$ phase as a typical microstructure of casting. The ${\delta}$ phase was rarely observed due to the small amount of Sn. These artifacts included more lead than other alloys. They showed segregation like island-shape on the lead part. Wrought products used for daily too1s. were alloy of 80% Cu and 20% Sn. Since they were consist of ${\alpha}$ phase and martensite ${\beta}$ phase, it could be presumed that they were heat-treated. The production method could be identified from twinned grains in ${\alpha}$ phase. Lead was not included in because it had a bad effect to alloy. The bells were alloyed with 85% Cu, 10% Sn, 5% Pb or 90% Cu and 10% Sn. They show the dendrite structure because they were cast and alloyed with many tin. Weldinged were alloyed with 83% Cu, 12% Sn and 5% Pb. lt showed the fine dendrite structure because of fast cooling in air.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.78-117
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• 2017

Buddhism, which was subject to repression all over the early Joseon Dynasty, received a certain recognition from the state, because Buddhist monks had participated in the war of the Japanese invasion in 1592. On the other hand, however, one of the results was the destruction of many temples. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks themselves acted as players of Pungmul(people's percussive band music) for the rebuilding of Buddhist temples. These so-called "the Buddhist monks' Pungmul" is the imitation of former clowns' Pungmul and farmers' one that sometimes request money or rice at houses of villages. In the late Joseon Dynasty, the activities of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul were held all over the country. Today, there are "Bitnae Nongak(farmers'percussive band music)" in Kyeongsangbuk-do, "Beokku-noli(the drum play) in the areas of Yeosu and Gangjin in Jeollanam-do, the song of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul for the people's house spirits in the Gyeonggi-do, Gangwon-do and Chungcheong-do, and Namsadang-pae(the nomadic entertaining groups composed of only men), as clear pictures of it. In these things related to Nongak or Nongak relevant affairs, the shapes of the Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty remain clear. On the other hand, today the Namsadang-pae, which was formed as a result of Buddhist monks' Pungmul in the late Joseon Dynasty, was left only in the Chungcheong-do and Gyeonggi-do, because the temple construction in the Gyeonggi-do was made especially many in the late Joseon Dynasty. During the late Joseon Dynasty, the Buddhist monks' Pungmul, which had long-lived and had taken place throughout the nation, had a great impact on Pungmul. There are the Buddhist elements, such as Gokkal(the Buddhist monk's peaked hat), paper flowers, the color band, the small drum, and Bara(small cymbals) are often found in the Pungmul of Korea. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, it is obviously important place in the Pungmul history of Korea. Research and studies on this subject should be made more in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.185-221
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• 2018

This study examined the process of the formation of Deoneum, Sugungga(水宮歌), and its tendency of the change through the trace of the Pansori masters who worked in 19th century. The time that the main group of the Sugungga masters appeared in the Pansory history is estimated in early 19th century. The Sugungga masters in this time could be divided in two groups, one is the early days masters who worked in early 19th century and the other is the latter days masters who worked in middle and late 19th century. Kwon Sam-deuk(權三得), Song Heung-lok(宋興祿), Yeom Gyeo-dal(廉季達), and Shin Man-yeob(申萬葉) are the Sugungga masters who worked in early 19th century. By the records they left, I could confirm that they used the description about the dramatic characteristics in the work and Soritjo(Pansori master's tonality), like the appearance of 'Bangge(crab)' and 'Tiger', and particularly they developed which has the scene of the Rabbit's deceiving the Dragon King and Rabbit's return, 'Goandaejangja(寬大長者)', 'Gaja-Eoseoga', 'Sojinowha(笑指蘆花)', 'Apnae-Beodeuleun' and the scene of 'Rabbit's curse(the part that Rabbit curses Byeljubu)' etc. I could understand that the interest of the early days Pansori masters about Sugungga is on the characters and the latter part of the work. The separation of Dongpyeonje(東便制) and Seopyeonje(西便制) of Pansori was done in the middle and late 19th century. As the Dongpyeonje master, Song Wu-ryong(宋雨龍), Park Man-sun(朴萬順), Song Man-gab(宋萬甲), Shin Hak-jun(申鶴俊) and Yu Seong-jun(劉成俊) worked. As the Seopyeonje masters, Park Yu-jeon(朴裕全), Kim geo-bok(金巨福), Kim Su-yeong(金壽永) and Baek Gyeong-jun(白慶順) etc. sang Sugungga. The Dongpyeonje masters developed the 'Toggigibyeon(토끼奇變)' related Deoneum paying attention on the latter part of Sugungga same as the early days masters. Meanwhile it looks like that they had interest in developing the parts which belong to the middle and early parts of Sugungga like 'Toggiwhasang(토끼畵像)', 'Gogocheonbyeon(皐皐天邊)' and 'Tobyeolmundab(兎鱉問答)'. The Seopyeonje masters developed the parts belong to the early part of Sugungga, which are related to Dragon King and the courtiers in Sugung palace, like 'YongwangTansik(龍王歎息)'. And I could confirm that they developed the parts influenced by Shin Jaehyo's editorials like 'Tosahobi(兎死狐悲)' and 'Goguksancheon(故國山川)' etc. In short, I could confirm the trend that the Pansori masters in 19th century had interest in from the latter part to the early part of Sugungga. If taking a look focusing on main characters, they moved their interest in from Rabbit to the courtiers including Byeoljubu(鱉主簿) and Dragon King in Sugung palace, and it could say that, in this trend, Sori part and Deoneum were developed.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.129-161
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• 2010

Women's social status is marginal in the patriarchal system, therefore it is not easy to express their's desire. Women's social role are restricted by the Confucian culture in the late of Chosun Dinasty. But women freely expressed their's gamseong(感性) by singing the folk songs. Many researches have focused on the reality of life or the structure and meanings of the women's folk songs. On the contrary, no one has paid attention to the gamseong in the women's folk songs. This is the reason why this thesis focused on the aspects of gamseong in the women's folk songs. The aspect of gamseong expression in women's folk songs can be classfied as follow: HAN(恨) resulting from living with one's husband's parents (Si-jip-sa-ri); LONGING caused by parting with the lover; HOPE due to childbirth and bringing up; SHIN-MYOUNG(神明) through deviation and liberation. In conclusion, We can find out women's gamseong would be formed from the their own roles and relationship with the others. Besides they could offset their sorrow and cure their pain through loving others and selfloving.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.669-700
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• 2019

Farmers' band music is a religious ritual in Korea. It is a solemn ritual to exhibit the auspicious holiness of the people to the God. Most of the ritual is accomplished by music. The music of the farmers 'band, in this sense, has its meaning as the expression of holiness by sound. In this paper, I will explore the principle to make various rhythms of farmers' band music, especially focusing on the chaegut (lit. "stroke music"). It is very symbolic because the name of the music shows the strokes of the gong, called jing, in a rhythmic phrase. In this sense, the chaegut is man-made music based on the specific principles in accordance with the strokes of the gong. Among many chaegut rhythms, samchae (lit. "three strokes") to chilchae (lit. "seven strokes") are the main rhythms. They were made after the principle of 'forward with drums, backward with gongs' in Five way procession. It the basic principle of military procession from the early Joseon Dynasty. The procession follows with the sound of the drums and gongs. There was always a principle of "five strokes" to control the procession. The "five strokes" became the basis of the making of chaegut rhythms. The rhythms of the samchae to chilchae are based on the rhythm of samchae. The samchae has three gong strokes in a cycle, which exhibits the chaotic moment with the rhythmic noise. The name of the rhythm exhibits the correspondence of the signifiant, that is the name "three strokes" and the signifié, that is the real three strokes of gongs in music. Other four rhythms has made up from the samchae with half cycles are added in accordance with the strokes of the gongs. In this way, the chaegut shows the principle of "five strokes" in the military procession. The rhythm of ochae jilgut is a mixture of ochae (lit. "five strokes") and jilgut (lit. "road music") which is usually performed on the road to a mountain shrine. The musical structure of ochae jilgut corresponds to the colotomic structure of Southeast Asian music and the 15th-century music of old musical scores. The rhythm of gilgunak chilchae is a mixture of gilgunak (lit. "road military music") and chilchae (lit. "seven strokes"). The rhythmic structure is similar to other regional music, sijo ("short song") of the literati music and norae garak (lit. "some melody") of the shaman music. In sum, the chaegut is very artistic music made from the military procession of the Joseon Dynasty. The name of the rhythm corresponds with the strokes of the gong in a cycle. In this way, the chaegut shows the principle of music-making to exhibit the ritual characteristics of the Korean people.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.110-130
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• 2023

New years' rites serve a religious function to wish for well-being during the year by bidding farewell to the previous year and welcoming the next. In Japan, in mid-December, to welcome Toshigami, kadomatsu, and shimenawagazari are prepared, as well as osechi ryori to be eaten at the beginning of the year. On New Year's Day, people go to shrines and bow to the gods while saying Hatsumode (初詣). On the fifteenth day of the first month, in the course of a rite called Dondoyaki, all the decorations used in the first month and the amulet used in the previous year are burned. In Korea, when the Lunar New Year approaches, people prepare for their ancestral rites and clean their houses. On the first day of the new year, people hold ancestral rites for their ancestors. There are many different seasonal rites, taking place from the beginning of the year to the full moon. In China, Danwonban (團圓飯), in which the whole family sits together and eats on New Year's Eve, is important. Lights are brightly lit up all night, and the sound of firecrackers outside rings out loudly. On the door, the word chun-ryun is attached to wish for prosperity in the new year. According to the cycle of the four seasons, the first lunar month contains a high proportion of the seasonal rites that are repeated every year. The first month represents the beginning of a year, and various rituals are performed in order to wish for good health and abundance during the coming year. In addition, the "folk religious world view" is integral to annual new years' rites, so it is not difficult to understand the religious character and structure of the Korean, Chinese, and Japanese annual ceremonies. This study examines the current status of annual new years' rites in Korea, China, and Japan, and how the rites are structured according to the inflection points in the year. In addition, religious characteristics are reviewed in terms of gods, predictions, and fertility prayers, exorcisms, health, and restoration. In this way, it can be seen that various religious elements such as shamanism, agricultural faith, ancestor worship, Shintoism, Taoism, Confucianism, and Buddhism can be witnessed in the annual new years' rites of Korea, China, and Japan. In addition, differences in the presence or absence of these are shown to depend on the country.