• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.85 no.4
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• pp.656-666
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• 1996

Aspen demand has increased recently in the Great Lakes region in the United States. Since aspen has moved into the region in late 1800's, its growing stock has increased so as to change forestry industry of the Lake States. Intensive timber harvesting and biomass removal may cause nutrient depletion, especially on nutrient-poor sites. Forest nutrients and nutrient cycling were investigated in aspen stands of 7-10, 27-33, and 41-42 year-old growing on sandy soils in Minnesota. Nutrients added to the aspen stands by atmospheric deposition and soil weathering were efficiently absorbed and stored in the tree biomass. Aboveground biomass increased from $24.4t{\cdot}ha^{-1}$ at young stands to $139.2t{\cdot}ha^{-1}$ at mature stands. Nutrients accumulated in the tree biomass showed same magnitude of difference. Nutrients added to the site through atmospheric deposition were in the order of Ca, N, K, Mg, and P. Annual litterfall was greater in older stands. However, the amount of nutrients returned by litterfall was not significantly different among stand ages due to the greater nutrient contents in the litterfall of young stands. Litter decomposition and nutrient release rates were greater at young stands than at older stands. Likewise, nutrient availability was higher in young aspen stands and became lower as the stands grew older. Nutrient leaching loss was minimal at all stand ages. Soil N mineralization was greater at young stands than at older stands. Nutrient cycling process was facilitated in young aspen stands with an increased level of available nutrients, Based on the estimations of nutrient balance and nutrient removal by harvesting, Ca was the most critical element which was likely to be depleted if aspen stands are intensively harvested with short rotations.

• Proceedings of the Korean Aquaculture Society Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.53-53
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• 2003

참가자미, Limanda herzensteini는 가자미목 (Pleuronectiformes), 가자미과 (Pleuronectidae)에 속하며, 우리나라의 동해, 일본의 세토내해 이북, 중국 및 사할린 근해에 분포하는 어종이다. 본 종은 연안정착성 어종으로 동해안에서 낚시 및 저인망 어업에 의해 어획되는 산업적 가치가 큰 고급어종이며, 저수온에 강하여 한류성 해역에서의 양식 가능성이 매우 높다고 할 수 있다. 또한 최근에는 참가자미의 자원량 감소가 두드러지고 있으므로 자원증강이 절실히 요구된다. 이 연구에서는 주 어획지역인 강원도 주문진 인근해역에서 1998년 9월부터 1999년 10월까지 자연산 참가자미의 연간 생식소중량지수의 변화를 조사 하였으며, 조직학적 조사에 의한 생식소 발달과정과 생식주기를 밝혔다. 정소는 정소엽 형태이며, 각각의 정소엽은 여러개의 소낭구조를 가진다. 각 소낭내의 생식세포들은 같은 단계의 발달상태를 보인다. 난소는 원추형의 낭상으로 체강벽에서 연결되는 난소간막에 의해 부착되어 있으며, 내부는 결체성 조직인 다수의 난소박판으로 구성되며, 이곳에서 난원세포가 유래한다. 수컷의 GSI는 1월에 가장 높았으며, 암컷의 GSI는 3월에 가장 높은 값을 보였다. 생식주기는 성장기(6~9월), 성숙기(10~12월), 완숙 및 산란기(1~3월) 그리고 회복 및 휴지기(4~5월)로 나눌 수 있었다. 난모세포의 발달양식은 난군동기발달형에 속하였다.

• Korean Architects
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• no.8 s.352
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• pp.57-57
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• 1998

오늘날의 수원은 도청소재지로서, 서울의 인접도시로서, 수도권의 주요도시로서 다양한 가치를 가지고 존재하고 있다. 이 땅의 어느 곳에나 먼 옛날부터 여러가지 사연들을 가지고 사람들이 살아왔겠지만, 수원은 200년전 어떠한 사연으로 여기에 사람들이 모여 살게 되었고, 도시의 구조는 어떻게 구성되었으며, 오늘까지 어떻게 지내왔는가 하는 것이 다른 도시보다 정확하게 기록되어 있는 드문 도시로서 그 탄생과 성장의 역사를 후손들이 들추어 볼 수 있어, 많은 사람들의 관심을 끌어 왔다. 더구나 1997년에는 유네스코 인류문화유산으로 수원의 화성이 등록되면서 다시 성곽이라는 물리적 요소와 200년이라는 세월 속에 이루어진 공간과 역사는 이 도시의 존재가치와 앞으로 걸어가야 할 길을 진지하게 모색하도록 하였다. 조선조말에 접어들면서 이 땅에서 우리 나름대로 근대의 싹이 돋아 나오던 시절, 새로운 바람이 지식인들과 통치자들 사이에 일어, 수원에 계획도시를 건설하였다. 새로운 사회와 체제를 시도하고 이에 대한 도전을 찬찬히 진행하면서 이 도시의 형상을 갖추어 갔다. 중앙으로부터 시작된 개혁과 변화는 큰 힘을 얻지 못하였고 정조 이후의 수원은 서울과 지방을 잇는 통과도시로서만 역할을 하였다. 근대화하는 과정에서는 농업기술개발의 중심지로서, 산업화 과정에서는 섬유ㆍ전자산업의 본산으로서 도시의 세를 넓혀 나갔다. 최근 들어 우리들의 삶이 문화에 눈을 돌릴 정도로 성숙해져서 이 고장의 정체성에 대해 논하고 많은 사람들이 찾아내려는 노력을 하고 있다. 일상생활과 상관없던 시민들이 생각하고, 새로 맞는 또한 세기에는 화성과 맞먹는 이 시대의 수원다움을 만들어 나가야 하는 것이 이 시대를 사는 사람들의 과제일 것이다. 숱한 과제가 건축사들에게 주어져 있지만 언제나 힘겨운 것이었고 시원한 답을 만들지 못하였다. 그만큼 우리는 눈을 늦게 떴고, 그러는 사이에 도시는 풀어내기 어려운 상태로 변화되어 갔다. '건축사'의 기획 시리즈 수원편을 통하여 지나온 과거를 정리하고 현재의 모습을 살펴보고, 이제부터 우리가 해야 할 일들에 대하여 생각해 보았다.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.1-27
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• 2004

In this paper we attempt to explore the institutional and clutural milieu of high-tech venture business cluster in Daegu City and provide policy implications for creating sustainable high-tech venture businesses cluster. Although since 1998 the Korean government has made explicitly a great deal of efforts to help attract and create high-tech new start-ups in non-capital cities such as the support of business incubating centers and the establishment of real service centres, it reveals that such policies are not so successful in creating a sustainable venture ecology. One of the most critical resions is that such policies are centred simply on building physical infrastructure such as incubating space and service centre with less concern with promoting venture business cluster reflecting cultural and institutional specificities in a given region. In this respect we argue that the focus of industrial policies to support promoting high-tech venture business clusters in non-capital cities urgently need to move towards to make it for firms to encourage entrepreneurship driving innovation and to create social capital incucing trust and networks amongst firms, universities, public &privite supporting agencies, together with the building up of physical infrastructure the existing policies have done.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.91-100
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• 2019

It is an undeniable that cultural landscape of Korea is centered in Seoul, where all the cultural powers are oriented. From this aspect, a municipal theatre of Daegu (Daegu Municipal Theatre), where is considered an area somewhat isolated from the perspective of culture, has managed to develop theoretical programs serving public purposes through efforts on the diversification of performance programs, development of creative plays, acceptance of open direction, classic, modern and experimental plays, foreign exchange, musicals and non-verbal, development of modern and post-modern history of the region, aggressive exploration of subjects, and characterization of the theater through citizen-participated programs and communication with citizens. With such efforts on diversification of public benefits and communality conforming to its purpose, it has been recognized for its contribution to the recovery of popularity of performance art and plays in Daegu. The Daegu Municipal Theatre, celebrating the 20th anniversary of establishment this year and having Choi Ju-Hwan as its fifth art director, has managed to conduct various experimental attempts to gain popularity and these include the exploration of the region and its historical figures, development and promotion of creative musicals, and promotion of communication between citizens and performance culture and of participation of audiences, in turn having a stabilized operation system. Such changes are seemed to be attributable to the maturity of performance production and roles of senior members. From this aspect, this study aims at investigating the changes in the Daegu Municipal Theatre and 'roles and popularity of national/public theatre companies.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.49
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• pp.117-147
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• 2019

Many cities are utilizing their cultural capital as a means for urban regeneration and tourist attraction. Museums form an essential component in these culture-based urban regeneration efforts, the Guggenheim Bilbao being a frequently cited example of success. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has benchmarked the Bilbao case study as they were looking for alternative income-generating industries in the post-oil era, embarking on a city-building project on the Saadiyat Island where resorts and cultural institutions of massive scale are being constructed. The Louvre Abu Dhabi and the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi were pursued under this scheme, aiming at attracting tourism and elevating their status in the region as a cultural capital. This study examines the political, economic, and cultural background behind the Saadiyat city project and the pending issues behind the construction of the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi. This study purports that besides funding and an ambitious plan, social and cultural developments in the region over time will be essential for a successful localization of a Western brand museum in the region.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-16
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• 2011

Today, the name of Changjiang (Yangtze) Delta Region is used to designate an economic region which consists of sixteen cities including Shanghai City. The region has achieved the highest rate of economic growth in the world as well as in China since China its opened its toward the world market. The aim of this study is to examine the modern transition of spatial structure in the region after the opening (1978) and the membership of WTO (2000). In the examination, the study divides the spatial structure into three aspects: industrialization, urbanization and economic integration. The outcome of examination suggests that spatial division of industry, horizontally and vertically, has not reached a satisfactory level even if it is still in progress. The study proposes that the intervention of government in the market and company activity has hindered the spatial division of industry including service sector between the cities, and thus the economic integration. It further suggests that the specialization of urban function has not entered into the maturing stage, with the shortage of mid-size cities that would mediate spatial-economically between the large-size cities and the small-size cities in the urban hierarchy.

• Journal of the Korean Academic Society of Industrial Cluster
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.67-86
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• 2007

Wonju Medical Equipment Industry, despite of its short history, poor sales and weak manpower and so on, have shown remarkable outcomes in a relatively short period. At the end of 2007, totally 79 enterprises (only 4.6% of whole enterprises in Korea) made 10% of the nationwide production and 15% of the nationwide exports with an annual average growth rate of 66.7%, contributing domestic medical equipment industry tremendously. In addition, many leading medical equipment enterprises in various fields already moved or plan to move to Wonju, accelerating Wonju Medical Equipment Cluster. Wonju Medical Equipment Industry Cluster now enters into the growth stage, getting out of the initial business setup stage. Especially, the nomination of Wonju cluster project from the government accelerates networking (e.g. the development of the universal parts, the establishment of the mutual collaboration model among enterprises, and the mutual marketing), making a rapid growth in Wonju Medical Equipment Industry. Wonju Medical Equipment Industry Cluster revealed positive outcomes despite of the weakness in investment size and infra-structure comparing with the other medical industry cluster in the advanced country, while many domestic enterprises pursued their own growth models and thus failed to promote the international competitive power. Wonju Medical Equipment Industry has been developed rapidly. However, there are many challenging problems to support enterprises: small R&D investment and thus weak technology power, difficulties in recruiting R&D engineers, and poor marketing capabilities, financial infrastructure & policies, and network architecture. In order to develop a world-competitive medical equipment industry cluster at Wonju, the complement of infrastructures, the technology innovation, the mutual marketing, and the network expansion to support enterprises are further required. Wonju' s experiences in developing medical equipment industry so far suggest that our own flexible cluster model considering the industry structure and maturity for different regions should be developed, and specific action plans from the local and central governments based on their systematic strategies for industry development should be implemented in order to build world-competitive industry clusters in Korea.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.214-235
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• 2019

This study adopts the concept of social innovation cluster in which social economy organizations as one of the emerging axes of economic systems operate in collaboration with government agencies, investment institutions, intermediate supporting organizations and non-profit organizations, and investigates how the clusters of this kind grow in the context of the Korean socio-economic situation for the cases of Seongdong-gu and Eunpyeong-gu in Seoul, Korea. For this purpose, it has identified the actors of the clusters and their internal relations, and analyzed the process of cluster formation. A social network analysis of the partnerships between the actors has shown that Seongdong-gu has more diversified types of the network participation of universities, global networks and investment institutions than Eunpyeong-gu. It is interpreted that this pattern has resulted from the domination of private organizations in the former area, which is also confirmed by in-depth interviews with persons involved in the clusters. Although the facets of social innovation clusters are manifested in both areas, even in their initial stage, such factors as linkages between industrial actors and convergence with other clusters, which appear in the maturing stage of cluster formation, has yet to be found. It is suggested that the sustainable growth of social innovation clusters should be accompanied by information sharing and cooperation between the two areas on the future orientation of development.