• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.4
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• pp.35-59
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• 2009

This paper presents a formal model of social policy development. The model shows that the development of social policy depends both on the social policy preferences of voters and on the political institution which mediates the preferences of voters. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pairwise vote. But in the representative democracy, political parties design social policy to win the support of a majority of voters. Hence, the political institution like electoral rule may affect social policy outcome. The model presented in this paper contrasts 3 alternative constitutional features and investigates how they affect social policy outcome. In result, this papers emphasizes that policy preferences of voters and political institution may be key variables to explain social policy development and divergence among welfare regimes.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.35-71
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to verify the effect of electoral competition on voters deciding on strategic split-ticket voting under the mixed-member electoral system. As result, the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose to vote for the major parties. The results of logistic regression analysis including interaction terms showed that the more competitive the constituencies are, the more voters choose for candidates from the major parties. Also, the finding shows that major party supporters are less affected by electoral competition than minor party supporters in choosing a candidate in the single-seat districts. In the case of minor party supporters, the more competitive the constituencies were, the more likely they were to choose the major party candidate instead of the minor party candidate. Based on these results, it can be inferred that voters are affected by the presence or behavior of other voters in local constituencies under the first-past-the-post rule. Because of the psychology of not wanting their votes to be useless, voters cast their ballots more strategically as the competition in constituencies intensifies, and as the competition in constituencies slackens, such tendencies weaken, and this trait is particularly evident among minor party supporters.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.29-54
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• 2018

Focusing on vastly different results between two presidential elections in 2012 and 2017, this paper examines how political attitudes of conservative voters had changed in 5 years and how these changes had brought about differences in their vote choices in 2017. Using panel data encompassing two presidential elections, this paper finds that, though ideological and affective evaluation of conservative parties and candidates had indeed deteriorated among supporters of Park Geun-Hye in 2012, it is candidate factors rather partisan ones that exerted much more significant influence on their vote choices in 2017. In addition it is found that the differentiation in political and economic policy preferences among conservative voters had only slight influence on their voted choices in 2017. This paper concludes with discussing how to understand the result of the $19^{th}$ presidential elections and what implications it has in prospecting the party realignment in Korean electoral politics.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.62 no.3
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• pp.141-162
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• 2010

This paper tries to provide empirical support for a formal model of social policy development which has been presented in a former paper of this study. In the direct democracy, median voter's social policy preference is critical because he is Condorcet winner in a pair-wise pure majority voting. But, in the more general setting, we should think of various political institutions as a collective choice device. For this reason, I draw a formal model which formulates three contrasting types of political institutions which are distinguished by the developments of political democracy and the differences of electoral rules. Comparative patterns of key variables which measure political institutions, social policy developments, and social policy preference provide support for my arguments. My empirical results suggest that three political institutions are associated with very different policy outcomes. Compared to other institutions, committee system entails more targeted subsidy, less universal benefit. On the contrary, proportional elections produce more universal benefit, less targeted subsidy.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.73-89
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• 2009

Even though panel surveys are very useful in estimating the change between time points, they suffer from sample distortion as survey rounds proceed due to panel attrition and conditioning. This study is to report the statistical aspects of KBS-MBMR's five-rounds panel survey for the 2007 Presidential Election of Korea. Main findings are as follows. First, the attrition propensities were higher among women, among the young and the old aged, and among "None"/"Don't Know"/"Won't Say"(DK) respondents for the question asking preferred candidate. Second, there existed the conditioning effect that pushes the respondents to choose one candidate in hurry. Third. repeated measurements of the survey did not influence panel respondents on the choice of preferred candidate. if DK respondents are set. aside, and on the final voting intention of panel respondents.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.171-187
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• 2008

Islands are vulnerable to outer influences due to their small size and isolation. Tourism often becomes an important development focus because of their unique culture and nature. Jeju-do, as well as other islands, has experienced such development mostly led by central government, and the regional change was understood as the outcome of global influences without much concern with the local response or strategy. Thus, vulnerability has been the key theme in island development studies. This paper examines the current state of island development as an outcome of locals' alternating strategy in which the islanders accept the central government's plan, but express their demands to modify them. It is reflected in the electoral preference for ruling or oppositional parties, local movements against central government's development plans, and the spatial organization of tourism sites from a few growth centers to more dispersed, balanced development. These suggest that the current state of island development is not derived from unidirectional global forces, even if islands are peripheral. Rather, it is the outcome of an alternating strategy of Jeju locals accepting the central government development plans while managing them for local benefits.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.375-385
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• 2009

For 2007 Korea presidential election, most polls by telephone surveys indicated Lee Myung-Bak led the second runner-up Jung Dong-Young by certain margin. The margin between two candidates can be estimated accurately by averaging individual poll results, provided there exists no systematic bias in telephone surveys. Most Korean telephone surveys via telephone directory are based on quota samples, with the region, the gender and the age-band as quota variables. Thus the surveys may result in certain systematic bias due to unbalanced factors inherent in quota sampling. The aim of this study is to answer the following questions by the analytic methods adopted in Huh et al. (2004): Question 1. Wasn't there systematic bias in estimates of support rates. Question 2. If yes, what was the source of the bias? To answer the questions, we collected eighteen surveys administered during the election campaign period and applied the iterated proportional weighting (the rim weighting) to the last eleven surveys to obtain the balance in five factors - region, gender, age, occupation and education level. We found that the support rate of Lee Myung-Bak was over-estimated consistently by 1.4%P and that of Jung Dong-Young was underestimated by 0.6%P, resulting in the over-estimation of the margin by 2.0%P. By investigating the Lee Myung-Bak bias with logistic regression models, we conclude that it originated from the under-representation of less educated class and/or the over-representation of house wives in telephone samples.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.57-74
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• 2015

This research has been performed in order to investigate the probability that cultural factors in everyday life affect individuals' political behaviors. Using the data collected from 2014 Seoul mayoral election, it analyzes how the degree to which individuals have various cultural capital influences their types of political information acquisition through media. The outcomes suggest following three. First, the more cultural capital individuals have, the more active they are in obtaining political information using diverse media. Second, those who mark high score in the self-cognitive area of cultural capital, such as cultural preferences and cultural tastes, tend to gather political information throughout formal news-oriented media such as on-line news, TV, and newspapers. Third, when types of media are classified into old and new, those who have a variety of cultural capital are likely to prefer new media as their major source of political information acquisition.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.293-315
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• 2017

This study investigated how college students seek and use information sources at the time of their decision making (especially during elections on this study). More than 360 students in 12 colleges located in Seoul were randomly selected and participated in this study. The survey asked them what kind of information sources they use at the time of their decision making as well as when they use information as usual. Several criteria for information evaluation were adopted to analyze information attributes and information seeking behavior of the population. Compare to the previous studies, Internet resources are more used than ever, information credibility and authority affected more to the population's political decision making. Additional examinations were executed to see deeper story of their information seeking at the end.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.83-108
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• 2019

This study investigated South Korean citizens' political communication and deliberation through Twitter during the 2014 General Election, focusing on influential opinion leaders' political information behaviors. Individual semi-structured interviews were administered with 13 opinion leaders using the multiple interview modes of email interviews, Skype interview and face to face interviews. Through the analytical lens of the theory of Information Worlds, the chosen social types and social norms of opinion leaders impacted their political information behaviors, including how they assessed, shared, exchanged, or avoided information, and, in turn, created boundaries between and around their information worlds that allowed for both conflict and synergy.