• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.61-86
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• 2008

Buddhism and Buddhist art originated in India, but when they were introduced to different countries, they created an international environment. Buddhism was introduced as cultural package, with written texts, visual images, rituals, and the organization of monasteries. Buddhist art originated in India during the reign of King Asoka and then was developed under the political, intellectual, artistic, religious, social and natural environments of the regions. The stupa and the chaitya halls create monastic environment. The natural environment of the trade routes and caravans in the Central Asian deserts preserved brilliant-colored murals and helped spread tram India to China. When Buddhism and Buddhist art were introduced to China, Korea, and Japan, Buddhism became a part of government institution and social organization. Gigantic statues were carved in caves in mountains for political purposes. The Chinese transformed the stupa into a square pillar and created pagodas with tiled roofs in tower forms. Koreans not only transmitted the Buddhist art from China to Japan, but it also changed it with originality in the iconography of the pensive bodhisattva images and in the architecture of Seoggulam. The official ideology of Neo Confucian philosophy brought the rise of Chan Buddhism. Zen monasteries in Japan created unique environments by establishing the Zen Buddhist garden. to prompt believers to meditate. An important development in Buddhist art is the Esoteric Buddhist art in China and Tibet. This category belongs to the intellectual, religious as well as artistic environments. The Tibetan deities with consorts in their embrace symbolize the union of the god and the devotees. Buddhist art created a unique environment that was spread out to many nations and changed greatly over time.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.70-100
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• 2023

The celadon made in the Goryeo era, a time when Buddhism was flourishing in Korea, naturally contains many elements of Buddhist culture. Among them, inlaid celadon with Sanskrit inscriptions bears a close relationship with esoteric Buddhism. However, the research on deciphering the Sanskrit inscriptions has made little progress due to the small number of extant examples. However, the four recent excavations at the No. 23 kiln site in Sadang-ri, Gangjin have yielded new materials that allow the existing materials to be categorized into several types. The results obtained through the reading and interpretation of the inscriptions are as follows: First, the Sanskrit characters inlaid on the celadon were parts of mantras. Inscriptions where only one character is apparent cannot be deciphered, but scholars have revealed that others are written in the manner of a wheel mantra represent the "Mantra for Purifying the Dharma-Realm," "Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja," "Sweet Dew Mantra," "Jewel Pavilion Mantra," "Mantra of the Savior Bodhisattva," "Dharani of the Mind of the Budha of Infinite Life," and "Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth." Each mantra was written in Siddham script. Second, they are believed to have been produced during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries based on the arrangement of the inscriptions and the way the "Sweet Dew Mantra" is included in the "40 Hands Mantra." In particular, the celadon pieces with a mantra inlaid in a concentric manner are dated to the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries based on their production characteristics. Third, the interpretation of the inlaid mantras suggests that they all refer to the "Shattering Hell" and "Rebirth in the Pure Land." Based on this, it can be concluded that some of these inlaid celadon wares with mantras may have been used in Buddhist rituals for the dead, such as the ritual for feeding hungry ghosts (施餓鬼會). Also, because the Sadang-ri No. 23 kiln site and the "ga" area of the site are believed to have produced royal celadon, it is likely that these rituals were performed at the royal court or a temple under its influence. Fourth, this inlaid Goryeo celadon with Sanskrit mantras was not a direct influence of the ceramics of Yuan China. It emerged by adopting Yuan Chinese Buddhist culture, which was influenced by Tibetan Buddhism, into Goryeo Korea's existing esoteric practices. Fifth, the celadon wares inlaid with a Sanskrit mantra reveal a facet of the personal esoteric rituals that prevailed in late Goryeo society. Changes in esotericism triggered by the desire for relief from anxieties can be exemplified in epitaph tablets and coffins that express a shared desire for escaping hell and being born again in paradise. Sixth, the inlaid celadon with Sanskrit mantras shares some common features with other crafts. The similarities include the use of Siddham Sanskrit, the focus on Six-Syllable Mantra of the Vidyaraja, the correspondence with the contents of the mantras found on Buddhist bells, wooden coffins, and memorial tablets, and their arraignment in a similar manner with rooftiles. The major difference between them is that the Mantra for Extinguishing Evil Rebirth and the Sweet Dew Manta have not yet been found on other craftworks. I believe that the inscriptions of Sanskrit mantras are found mainly on inlaid celadon vessels due to their relatively low production cost and efficiency.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.5
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• pp.520-528
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• 2017

In this paper, we analyze semantics on mudras of Sahasra-bhuja Avalokitesvara and implement visual content as its application. The mudras are described in the Odaejineunjib that is a tangible cultural property. The semantics analysis on the mudras are essential for understanding the meaning of the 42 Hands(mudras) that present symbolic difference of hands holding on various items. So, in this paper, we analyze the semantics on the 42 Hands according to 5 parts which are basic classification of Honored Ones on Esoteric Buddhism. We implemented a visual contents showing Avalokitesvara according to semantics on the 42 Hands. And, in the process, we are able to provide the public with easy accessibility on mudras of Sahasra-bhuja Avalokitesvara. Applications of the mudras are as follows; game contents, traditional cultural contents, etc.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.81-98
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• 2005

Nepal's role in the expansion of Mahayana Buddhism beyond the Himalaya is very significant. Nepal became the center of Mahayana Buddhism after the Muslim invasion of Nalanda Mahavihara in the 1199 A.D., which she maintained almost for 300 years. During this period, Nepal had produced a large number of profound Buddhist scholars. Most of them were the teachers of eminent Tibetan Buddhists. Some of the Nepalese Gurus also has continued lineage in Tibet until now. During that time, every Tibetan had desire to go to Nepal for higher Buddhist learning. As a matter of fact, many Tibetans made arduous journey across the Himalaya to fulfill the dream. Tibetan studied various forms of tantra, precepts, logic, doctrine, Sutra, Sadhana, Doha, Charyagiti, meditation etc. under direct supervision of Nepalese teachers. Great Tibetan scholars such as Marpa, Rwa Lo, Chag Lo, Khon phu ba, Klog Lo, Gos Lo, and others were the product of Nepal's scholarly tradition. They have significant place in the history of Tibet. Nepalese scholars also frequently visited Tibet where they taught Buddhism in various monasteries. They also had major role in propagating tantra in Tibet. Tibetans firmly believe that it is not possible to attain enlightenment without practicing tantra. The contribution of Nepalese scholars was so profound that Tibet produced many eminent scholars who developed scholastic tradition in Tibet. But after 14th century, Nepal's scholarly tradition ceased to continue. Then after, Tibetans started to call them 'the dull'.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.7
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• pp.21-25
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• 1969

In order to find out resistant varieties of the soybean to the cyst nematode. Heterodera glycines Ich. 64 soybean varieties were tested. 1. According to the result of investigations about correlation between numbers of cyst nematodes and soybean yields ; in pot test $Y=36.2-0.63\times(r=-0.74)$. and in field investigation $$Y=10.3-0.32\times(r=-0.56)$. There is a negative correlation between the density of nematodes and the soybean yield. 2. All of the recommended varieties were appeared susceptible; P I-84751. P I-90763. Southern-proripic. Keumgang-sorip. Baektai were appeared comparatively resistant ; and other varieties were appeared to be medium or susceptible. 3. Fewer larvae were developed into adult female cysts in resistant varieties than in susceptible ones.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.245-266
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• 2006

This study aims to explicate the properties of the existing xylographic books in Buddhism published in the old region of Yangju. Gyeonggi-do by investigating them and carrying out the analyses of them. For this, we have investigated, in addition to literature and xylographic bibles, Buddhist books which are now possessed by principal libraries and temples in Yangju. 99 kinds of Buddhist books had been published by 14 temples at the region of Yangju. It is in the late Chosun that Buddhist books in the region of Yangju were actively published. Bulamsa has published the greatest amount of 53 kinds of books. we can and out that Buddhist bibles were actively published, and uncanonical books and Esoteric Buddhist bibles with strong characteristics of worldly benedictions and Praja-Paramita emphasizing the thought of emptiness. As for publishing methods, 85 kinds of books were xylographic and 14 kinds of books were published with wooden types. There were direct and indirect supports from the ruling class on most of the temples that published Buddhist books. Temples happened to co-publish Buddhist books.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.80-109
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• 2020

The Sacheonwangsa Temple in Silla is an esoteric temple that was founded provisionally in 670, and was completed in 679. This study attempted to elucidate the planning method of the Sacheonwangsa Temple based on the results of research on excavations and investigations into its construction processes and construction measures thereof. The research results are as follows. (1) In the site construction, assuming the size of one Bang (坊) on the south of Nangsan Mountain, after dividing the north-south width into three equal parts, there is a possibility that two of these parts were set to the flat portion. (2) In the 'Jochang (祖創, 670)', it is estimated that an area of 300 cheoks by 300 cheoks was postulated on the flat surface, and, as an initial conception, the mandala's plane design of the outer square 2 hasta (3 cheoks) and inner square 1 hasta (1.5 cheoks) was originally devised for the setting of 'Mudra (神印)', and an area 100 times greater has been set as the basis in the scale and layout planning of the central block. (3) During 'Gaechang (攺刱, ~679)', it is judged that because of the narrowness of the distance between the Pagoda and Geumdang Hall, which occurs when the center of the Geumdang Hall coincides with the center of 'the first stage of the foundation (先築基壇)', the scale and layout planning were adjusted from the initial conception. (4) The arrangement of the building was determined by dividing the fixed size of the central block (280 cheoks by 320 cheoks). Specifically, the east-west direction is set on the quartile's line of the east-west width of the central block, and in contrast, the north-south direction is based on the structural characteristics of the central block. It is presumed that the position of the transept was determined through the division and adjustment of the column spacing of the east-west corridor, then the Geumdang Hall and Altar were based on this. (5) The scale of the Geumdang Hall and Pagoda is determined by the petition of the division by the unit fraction starting from the quartile's line of the central block's east-west width. This planning is understood to be based on the self-similarity, which is rooted in the mandala's plane design as the model.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.54-71
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• 2012

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.2-31
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• 2020

CheomSeongDae (瞻星臺) is a stone structure built in Gyeongju, the former Silla Dynasty capital, during the reign of Queen Seondeok (632~647AD). There exist dozens of hypotheses regarding its original purpose. Depending on to whom you ask, the answer could be a celestial observatory, a religious altar, a Buddhist stupa, a monumental tower symbolizing scientific knowledge, and so on. The most common perception of the structure among lay people is a stargazing tower. Historians, however, have suggested that it was intended as "a gateway to the heavens", specifically the Trāyastriṃśa or the second of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu located on the top of Mountain Sumeru. The name "Cheom-seong-dae" could be interpreted in many different ways. 'Cheom (瞻)' could refer to looking up, staring, or admiring, etc.; 'Seong (星)' could mean a star, heaven, night, etc.; and 'heaven' in that context can be a physical or religious reference. 'Dae (臺)' usually refers to a high platform on which people stand or things are placed. Researchers from the science fields often read 'cheom-seong' as 'looking at stars'; while historians read it as 'admiring the Trāyastriṃśa' or 'adoring Śakra'. Śakra is said to be the ruler of Trāyastriṃśa' who governs the Four Heavenly Kings in the Cāturmahārājika heaven, the first of the six heavens of Kāmadhātu. Śakra is the highest authority of the heavenly kings in direct contact with humankind. This paper examined the usages of 'cheom-seong' in Chinese literature dated prior to the publication of 『Samguk Yusa』, a late 13th century Korean Buddhist historical book that contains the oldest record of the structure among all extant historical texts. I found the oldest usage of cheom-seong (瞻星臺) in 『Ekottara Āgama』, a Buddhist script translated into Chinese in the late 4th century, and was surprised to learn that its meaning was 'looking up at the brightness left by Śakra'. I also found that 'cheom-seong' had been incorporated in various religious contexts, such as Hinduism, Confucianism, Buddhist, Christianism, and Taoism. In Buddhism, there was good, bad, and neutral cheom-seong. Good cheom-seong meant to look up to heaven in the practice of asceticism, reading the heavenly god's intentions, and achieving the mindfulness of Buddhism. Bad cheom-seong included all astrological fortunetelling activities performed outside the boundaries of Buddhism. Neutral cheom-seong is secular. It may help people to understand the nature of the physical world, but was considered to have little meaning unless relating to the spiritual world of Buddhism. Cheom-seong had been performed repetitively in the processes of constructing Buddhist temples in China. According to Buddhist scripts, Queen Māyā of Sakya, the birth mother of Gautama Buddha, died seven days after the birth of Buddha, and was reborn in the Trāyastriṃśa heaven. Buddha, before reaching nirvana, ascended from Jetavana to Trāyastriṃśa and spent three months together with his mother. Gautama Buddha then returned to the human world, stepping upon the stairs built by Viśvakarman, the deity of the creative power in Trāyastriṃśa. In later years, King Asoka built a stupa at the site where Buddha descended. Since then, people have believed that the stairway to the heavens appears at a Buddhist stupa. Carefully examining the paragraphic structure of 『Samguk Yusa』's records on Cheomseongdae, plus other historical records, the fact that the alignment between the tomb of Queen Seondeok and Cheomseongdae perfectly matches the sunrise direction at the winter solstice supports this paper's position that Chemseongdae, built in the early years of Queen SeonDeok's reign (632~647AD), was a gateway to the Trāyastriṃśa heaven, just like the stupa at the Daci Temple (慈恩寺) in China built in 654. The meaning of 'Cheom-seong-dae' thus turns out to be 'adoring Trāyastriṃśa stupa', not 'stargazing platform'.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.12 no.4 s.36
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• pp.7-26
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• 2003

This article works on the development process of the Buddhist Temple with two pagodas in the Eastern Asia. in 7-8th centuries. This study was motivated from the observation that why there are many the Buddhist Temple having two pagodas only around the late 7th century, roughly around 670 A.D.. This period corresponds to the Silla Dynasty(in Korean History) and Hakuho Period(in Japan History) among the Eastern Asia while the composition of the temple being changed as Buddhism spreads out from China. The results of this study are the followings. The appearance of the Buddhist Temple having two pagodas was resulted from the representation of the Ideology in Botabpum(dogma of pagoda security) of the Saddharmapundarika Sutra, that is to say, two Buddhas sit side by side and iconography of Esoteric Buddhism dogma supports the spirit for defending one's country. Buddhist Temple having two pagodas in China had separate tab-won(areas with pagodas outer temple building block). Buddhist Temple having two pagodas in Korea had begun with sacheunwangsa temple in Unified-Silla. But it had two pagodas with inner temple area instead of outer. This was different from the composition of China. It can be related to the layout of the temple haying two pagodas in East-Jin(in China History) and the sculpture of two pagodas in Ungang-stonecave(in China). Thus the layout of the Buddhist Temple having two pagodas in Silla had been originated from that of China, but was developed to the main temple layout on her own accord. As Japanese Temple having two pagodas had been influenced diplomatically, it had two pagodas inner area as like the layout in Shilla. But later under the influence of Tang it was modified to the layout having them in separate area. And this influence can be seen for example Tangchojaesa temple. For the more, We call see that the diplomatic trends according to the policies in East asia affected to Buddhism and then naturally also to the layout of the Buddhist Temple.