• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.74
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• pp.7-31
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• 2023

The climate crisis threatens Earth's ecosystems and biodiversity. In particular, it can be said that the cause of the global crisis began with human greed. An educational alternative is needed to change the Christian worldview that causes greed. The purpose of this study is to find ways to apply democratic citizenship education to Christian education as an alternative to overcome the climate crisis. The contents of the study to achieve the purpose were first the essence of Christian citizenship education was examined by dividing it into citizenship education, democratic citizenship education, and Christian citizenship education. Second, The model of democratic citizenship education was established by defining its goals, content, methods, and directions within the context of Christian citizenship education. Third, the application plan of Christian education for democratic citizenship education was classified into 7 categories and proposed; environmental education to overcome the climate crisis, ethical education to restore the public role of the church, education to form God's character, education to realize the village education community, education that promotes Christ's peace and Christ education that fosters consideration for multicultural individuals, and literacy education to prevent the negative impacts of digital media culture. Next, the plan to apply democratic citizenship education to Christian education is, first, to reduce human greed and restore God's creation order through environmental education that can overcome the climate crisis. Second, through ethics education to restore the church's public nature, it is necessary to restore the church's role for the church's moral empathy and publicity. Third, through the education that forms the God's character, it is necessary to form a mature character of faith in which personality and faith are harmonious and balanced. Fourth, schools, villages, and churches form a community through education that realizes a village education community so that the members of the village can obtain educational results. Fifth, through education that aims for the peace of the God Christians should be able to live as Christian democratic citizens who achieve peace in the kingdom of God. Sixth, through education that considers multicultural people, faith education that helps them overcome discrimination, exclusion, and hatred toward multicultural people with the love of Jesus Christ and seek a life of coexistence. Seventh, through literacy education that prevents the harmful effects of digital media culture, personal ability to read and write in media should ultimately be improved to the ability to practice socially.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• 대학교육
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• s.70
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• pp.82-91
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• 1994

최근의 한국사회는 모든 분야에 있어 개혁을 추진하고 있다. 이러한 개혁은 문민정부라는 국내 정치변화도 한 요인이지만, 지구촌 시대로 들어서는 국제적 환경 변화도 큰 요인이다. 이제 교육 분야, 특히 대학은 외부세계와 단절되어 오직 진리만 추구하던 '상아탑'적 전통에만 안주할 수 없게 되었다. 대학도 환경의 변화에 능동적으로 대처하여 조직 체계와 그 운영에 있어 개방성을 추진하여야 한다. 대학의 최고 정책 결정기구인 대학이사회의 구성과 기능 그리고 집행기관인 총장의 선출과정 및 리더십에 대해 개방성이 강조되고, 행정의 운영에 구성원의 참여와 공개가 보장되는 것은 대학행정의 민주성을 확립하는 필수적 요소이다.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.49-72
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• 2018

In this paper, I tackle the question as to why the Confucian tradition in East Asia failed to generate democracy. In the first section, I discuss various forms of Confucianism and come up with a most suitable one before I define democracy. I then consider the view that, even though Confucianism, thus defined, had the democratic ideals, it could not generate democracy because it failed to secure democratic institutional structure. I call this view 'No Institutions' View. However, there are two versions of it. First, a thin version of the view holds that the theoretical resources are clearly found in Confucianism yet they failed to provide the democratic institutions. Second, there is the view (a thick version of 'No Institutions' View), according to which the theoretical resources do exist in the Confucian tradition, though only as potentiality and not as a historical reality, and this is why the tradition failed to produce democracy. Third, some hold the view (which I call 'No Ideals' View) that Confucianism simply lacks not only the practical institutions but also theoretical ideals of democracy. In the conclusion, I discuss the reason why I reject these views and offer my own view. In particular, I offer a hybrid view concerning the relationship between Confucianism and democracy.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.145-170
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• 2011

당원중심 정당조직이 약화되고 있는 정당정치 변화추세 및 진성당원이 절대 부족한 실정에서 의원이나 원외위원장에 의해 동원되고 있는 당원들이 참여하는 경선의 현실적인 한계를 고려한다면, 당원 이외 유권자도 참여하는 보다 개방적인 경선을 지향할 수밖에 없는 상황이다. 이번에 국민경선의 확대내지는 제도화를 목표로 중앙선관위 및 한나라당과 민주당의 개혁특위가 제시하고 있는 공천안, 특히 모든 유권자가 참여할 수 있는 여야 동시 완전국민경선안은 선거인단을 모집하여 실시하는 기존의 제한적 국민경선보다 불공정한 동원, 역선택 등의 문제 해결에 도움이 되리라 본다. 하지만 여전히 해소되야 할 경선 공정성과 관련된 구조적인 문제는 경선이 치러지는 지역의 정당조직이 비민주적으로 운영되는 데에서 비롯되는 경선 후보들 간의 불균형 문제이며, 전략공천이라는 형태로 치러지는 사실상 하향식 공천 역시 경선 공정성을 크게 훼손할 소지가 있으므로 정당의 전략공천 비율은 더욱 축소되어야 할 것이다. 2012년 총선이 임박한 상황에서 현실적으로 무엇보다 시급한 것은 한나라당, 민주당 모두 공천제도 개혁안을 조속히 확정하고 선관위안을 법제화하는 일이며, 이를 통하여 유권자가 참여하는 정당경선의 제도화가 이루어질 때 최근 시민후보의 등장과 같은 시민사회의 도전으로부터 비롯된 정당정치의 위기상황을 더욱 새로운 정당정치로 나아가는 계기로 전환시키는 일도 보다 용이해 질 것이다.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.467-490
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• 2009

This study seeks to improve the problems of analytical rigor and practical utility found in the concept of human security by examining ways to create a global governance system for the effective achievement of United Nations Millennium Development Goals(UN MDGs). This study regards poverty as the most fundamental threat to human security in order to achieve the analytical rigor of human security concept. At the same time, it also examines how to creating a global governance for achieving UN MDGs to improve practical utility of human security concept. The global governance system of MDGs should acquire global political representativeness, efficacy of policymaking process, and democracy within it. For these purposes, the creation of a "Global Summit for Development," the establishment of a more equal partnership between the states, international organizations, and NGOs, and institutionalization of operational and strategic cooperation among development institutions are proposed.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.51-60
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to explore the meaning of the 2018 'Comprehensive Plan for the Vitalization of Democratic Citizenship Education' centered on the '2022 Revised Curriculum General Discussion'. Research Results First, in the case of strengthening democratic citizenship education in schools, one of the main tasks in the general discussion of the 2022 revised curriculum emphasizes democratic citizenship education to cultivate citizenship. are doing Second, in the case of teacher professionalism enhancement and support for educational activities, development of teaching and learning materials and reinforcement of teacher training are promoted in the 2022 revised curriculum summary. Third, in the case of creating a democratic school culture, the 2022 revised curriculum outline guarantees student safety and learning rights through remodeling or remodeling old schools to restructure learning spaces and realize a digital-based learning environment. Fourth, in the case of revitalization of student autonomy, in the general discussion of the 2022 revised curriculum, the autonomy of the school curriculum considering the needs of students and school conditions is expanded, and classes centered on participatory experiences and self-government activities are strengthened. Fifth, in the case of establishing a democratic citizenship education support system, the 2022 revised curriculum outline establishes a mutual cooperation system that respects the roles and expertise of various educational subjects and a mutual cooperation system between the local community and the educational community.

• Korean Journal of Childcare and Education
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• v.9 no.6
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• pp.151-170
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• 2013

This study analyzes the contents of multicultural education in teacher's manual for "Age 3 - 5 Nuri Curriculum." The criteria of identity, diversity, openness, democracy, and community were used to investigate 1,470 activities relevant to multicultural education in Nuri Curriculum, which was published in March, 2013. The findings were categorized into life theme, contents area and activity type. In the life theme, multicultural contents appeared most in 'my town' and 'my country,' while the least in 'spring, summer, fall, winter.' In the contents areas, diversity, identity and community appeared more than democracy and openness. And, these contents included social relationships. In the activity type, multicultural contents are analyzed the most frequently in 'math activity' and 'sharing a story.'

• Proceedings of the Safety Management and Science Conference
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• 2008.04a
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• pp.301-314
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• 2008

미국 센서스 뷰로 데이터에 의하여 2차대전 후 민주당정부와 공화당정부의 실질 세전 소득증가율의 차이를 살펴볼 때 민주당정부 기간동안에 계층간의 소득불균형이 시정되면서 저소득계층의 소득증가율이 상대적으로 더 높았음을 알 수 있다. 반면에 공화당정부 기간동안에는 소득불균형이 심화되면서 저소득계층보다 고소득계층의 소득증가율이 더 높았다. 소득계층에서 하위 20%의 계층은 공화당정부의 기간동안에 비하여 민주당정부의 기간에 4배의 높은 소득증가율을 가졌다. 이는 양 정부별 실업률 차이에서 비롯되는 데 민주당정부의 기간 동안에 평균 30% 낮았으며 GDP성장률은 평균 30% 높았음에도 영향을 받은 것으로 판단된다. 이러한 정부별 차이는 1980년대 이후 세후 소득증가율에서도 나타나고 있다. 한편, 실증분석 결과에 따르면 한국의 경우 미국에서와 같이 저소득계층이 고소득계층 보다 거시경제정책에 따른 영향을 더 많이 받고 있음을 알 수 있었으며, 특히 신정부에서는 이전보다 적극적인 통화정책을 적절한 타이밍(timing)으로 실시하여야 할 필요성이 나타났다.