• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.123-153
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• 2001

This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.29-34
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• 2014

This study aimed to clarify the relationship which exists between democracy and economic development within Sub-Saharan Africa. It strived to bring out a comprehensive analysis of the reasons why the pace of democratization is slow within this region and why until present date, there are just patches of real democracies there. The work also focuses on the reasons why despite democratic movements, economic growth rates have remained lagging behind average until of recent that, and some few countries have emerged to join the list of fastest growing economies in the world. The study further highlights the unique path of Sub-Saharan Africa democratization process should follow since it does not possess the various factors that favored the democratization processes of most developed countries. In order to obtain the objectives, previous studies and statistical data published by official institutes were analysed by using contents analysis methods. Lastly, it proceeds to explain the important role that democracy plays in inclusive economic growth.

• The Microorganisms and Industry
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.20-23
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• 1989

목재부후 민주름버섯류의 분류는 아직도 해결해야 할 문제점들이 많이 남아 있다. 그 이유는 민주름버섯류가 그만큼 특징들이 다양하고 형태는 유사하나 기원이 다른 이질적인 종류들로 구성되어 있기 때문이다. 민주름버섯류의 분류 대가인 Donk도 자신이 추구한 분류체계에 스스로 만족하지 못하고 후대의 학자들이 도전해야 할 문제점들을 자주 제시한 적이 있다. 이와 같은 현상은 민주름버섯류의 분류가 자연분류와 계통분류를 지향하여 보다 종합적인 방법으로 종의 개념에 접근할 필요가 있음을 시사한다. 이제 위에 언급한 영양생활, 형태, 배양, 또는 유전적인 특징외에 진화와 계통, 환경과 생태, 지리적 분포와 식생, 핵산구조와 분자계통분류 등과 같은 과제들을 아울러 다룰 수 있는 포괄적인 분류체제의 대두가 요청되고 있다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

이 논문은 선진민주주의 국가의 선거경쟁에서 제시되는 정당 매니페스토 자료와 사회정책 자료를 사용하여 국가별 정당 간 입장의 차이, 정부당파성과 복지국가의 관계, 그리고 복지국가 이슈에 관한 정당양극화의 문제에 대해 경험적 분석을 제시한다. 이 논문의 분석이 제시하는 바는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선진민주주의 국가의 주요 좌우파 정당 간 사회정책 입장의 차이는 국가별로 편차를 보인다. 복지국가 이슈와 관련한 정당양극화의 정도는 기존 복지국가 체계의 특성, 선거제도, 또는 선거경쟁에서 나타나는 복지국가 이슈의 유형에 따라 다른 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 집권정당의 당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 정당이 복지국가에 미치는 영향이 제한적이거나 혹은 제도적 맥락에 조건지어진다는 점을 고려할 필요가 있다. 어쩌면 정당 및 정부당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향은 협의제 민주주의(consensus democracies) 유형의 국가들보다는 다수제 민주주의(majoritarian democracies) 유형의 국가들에서 더 뚜렷하게 나타나는 것인지도 모른다. 넷째, 정당의 정책입장의 변화는 경쟁하는 주요정당의 정책변화에 영향을 받기도 한다. 또한 이슈유형에 따라 위치이슈와 합의이슈로 구분할 수 있는데, 각 국가별 선거경쟁과 복지국가 논의는 다양한 형태를 가지면서 진행된다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.15 no.12
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• pp.212-221
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• 2015

This study searched the effect of volunteering activity on democratic citizen consciousness as a mediation of adolescents' leadership living technique. For this, it has been conducted that a survey for 386 middle and high school students in Chungcheongbuk-do. Main analysis results are as follows. First, searching the effect on democratic citizen consciousness, it is analyzed that volunteering activity participation satisfaction level(${\beta}=.215$), learning ability technique(${\beta}=.297$), group activity technique(${\beta}=.145$) have a positive(+) effect. Second, as a result of mediation effect, volunteering activity is confirmed that is meaningful as both a direct effect(.35) on democratic citizen consciousness and an indirect effect($.42{\times}.65=.29$) as leadership living technique and it is appeared as an partial mediation effect. Therefore, in order to improve adolescents' democratic citizen consciousness, active support for volunteering activity and overall efforts which are able to activate the leadership technique in real youth everyday life are necessary.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.73-95
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• 2015

This research has a purpose to verify whether the Internet diffusion through the Official Development Assistance (ODA) can bring about democratic changes in authoritarian political system of developing countries. This research has found out that IT ODA has 'positive(+)' effect on the Internet diffusion in recipient countries. It seems to support the expectation of donor countries that they can lead the political democratization by constructing infrastructure and promoting the use of the Internet. However, as the impact of IT ODA on the Internet diffusion is not considerable as well as the Internet diffusion has no strong influence on the development of democracy in developing countries, and also each of these aspects of countries looks different, it is hard to see that the democratization hypothesis based on the optimistic technological determinism is reasonable. Therefore, this paper argues that IT ODA must be based on not blind optimism that IT transfer will lead to the political democratization in developing countries, but the social structuralism which is based on distinctiveness and uniqueness of countries. and suggests that the discuss of the effect of IT ODA proceed with the constructive way.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.37-66
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• 2017

Massive civic protests and consequent presidential impeachment requires a serious revisiting to democratic theories of Korean democracy. This paper explores the strengths and limitations of macro and micro approaches. Changes in democratic realities was manifested on three fronts. First, the rise of new political subject, that is, participants to massive protest. Second, changing nexus between representative institutions and civic protests. Third, parliamentarization of presidential democracy. Specifically macro approach has changed its negative assessment of democracy into positive evaluation. Macro theory has to revisit it's notion of 'minjung' to cope with the rise of new subject. Also macro approach has to struggle with the declining role of civic organizations and political activists. Micro approach has to deal with new mode of networking among citizens and to unravel the evolving relation between democratic institutions and civic protests. In sum, theories need to expand the analytic scope, to revitalize analytic tools and to rebalance value judgment and analytical efforts.

• Korean Journal of Labor Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.29-64
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• 2018

This paper reviews the dynamics of growth and decline of Democratic Labor Union(Minju-nojo) Movement from the perspective of the conflicts among the industrial relations actors on the institutional incorporation of KCTU, a transformation of industrial relations institutes, and labor flexecurity in the change of political opportunity. The negotiations for the institutional incorporation of KCTU concluded in the 1997-98 labor laws. Since 1998, the conflicts and the compromises on the change of 1997-98 labor laws has continued. It was a kind of games for the transformation of the institutions of industrial relations and labor flexcurity. But the 1997-98 labor laws has shown the path-dependency. Since 2008, a cycle of the movement has entered a decline stage. The decline of Democratic Labor Union Movement came from the institutionalization of the movement, the change of political opportunity, and a generational change of 1987 cohorts group which has been the center of the movement.