• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.28 no.3
• /
• pp.53-59
• /
• 2010

This paper mainly focuses on the Korean Folk Village and Beijing Si-He-Yuan, according to the color theory of hue, value and chroma of Munsell color system to demonstrates the similarities and differences of the traditional upper-class housing between South Korea and China. As the neighboring countries sharing very similar culture and philosophy which owe to the continual communications between China and Korea in the history. The Obangsaek which is derived from the thought of five-elements profoundly and deeply impact on the color selection of traditional housing in both countries. According to the quantitative analysis of photographs, it was found that: 1. The commonly used colors in Korea are Y, YR and neutral color, but in China, people usually used R and GY, especially the high chroma red in Beijing Si-He-Yuan was used as a symbolic color. 2. The chroma preference of traditional housing reveals that people in China used to apply the polychrome and various brightness, on the contrary, the color of low chroma and high lightness were used to be applied in Korea which can give the sense of simplicity and tranquility. 3. Red, one of the Obangsaek affects the color characteristic of Beijing Si-He-Yuan critically but scarcely impact on the color characteristic of Korean Folk Village.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.54 no.4
• /
• pp.212-231
• /
• 2021

This study examines the types of gods worshiped in the homes of Utsunoya village, the places where they are enshrined, the rituals and food offered to the gods, the decorations during the rituals, and the people's beliefs. Also, by comparing the gods worshiped in houses in remote Utsunoya with those of downtown Shizuoka, the differences and changes in the gods worshiped in the two contemporary spaces were predicted. Today, the gods enshrined in Utsunoya's houses are amatelaseu oomikami (天照大神), ancestor, ebisu, daigoku, kojin, inari, the god of the toilet, the god of land, and the god of water. From December 31st to January 3rd and on January 15th, Obon (July 15th), October when there is a festival at the village shrine, and on Ebisu Day (October 19th and 20th), residents offer drinks and food to the gods. Japanese beliefs at home are polytheistic in nature. They maintain national identity through kamidana and maintain family identity through ancestor worship linked to the Buddhist altar. The Japanese beliefs at home are firmly established in the background of the home, the base of family life. Japanese houses have a strong character as a religious space where they coexist "with the gods," and the residents have a cultural tradition of living with the gods.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.39
• /
• pp.223-277
• /
• 2019

Based on the text reference from the Variety Theatre compiled and performed by the Jiaofang of the Ming Dynasty Palace, the characteristics of Zhongkui performance in the New Year Ceremony was analyzed focusing on the differentiation and diachronic change in aspect between court dance and civilian. In China's folk beliefs, 'Zhongkui' is regarded as a representative spirit of fighting against evil spirits. Relevant rituals and performing arts have been held mainly on New Year's Eve or the Dragon Boat Festival. Although extensive research has been conducted in various fields, the situation of Zhongkui performance was largely unnoticed, only generally addressed in China, even with the given fact that the Ming Dynasty's text reference of miscellaneous court dance was exclusively retained, Therefore, the analysis intends to propose Zhongkui performances of Calendaric Rituals in the aspect of its elements and differentiate the play handed down among people as a specific example. Through the text analysis of miscellaneous court dance, 'Imperial examination' and religious belief was regulated usuriously by a so-called edification expressed as imperial reign ideology extracted to an implementation situation, revealing that this court dance was characterized by a variety of performances including the 'Zhongkui'. The results of the following study intends to provide a positive foundation for not only the field of Chinese studies but also the field of Korean literature, theatre, dance, folklore, religion, anthropology and art.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.28 no.1
• /
• pp.49-58
• /
• 2010

This study is attempted to establish the concept of Byeulseo Scenic Spot that the definitions of Byeulseo and Scenic Spot would be presented first followed by clarifying the basis, reason and justification that Byeulseo would be called as Byeulseo Scenic Spot that the following is the major results formulated herein. First, the concept of scenic spot under the Cultural Property Act is the reference to the famous site with the building improvement well known for its great scenery or the point where splendid scenery is viewed that has the artistic value along with the trace of human lives in this cultural heritage that, although the scenery is important but the attention has to be on discovery of historic resources with the story telling in the subject site. Second, the criteria of designation on the Scenic Spot in Korea would be natural scenery, animal and plant site with well-known scenery, view point of scenery, famous building or garden and important places with legend that there lacks diversification. In this aspect, the intent of the concept of Scenic Spot would be facilitated to expand the designation of the Byeulseo Scenic Spot as the Scenic Spot of living style. Third, from the foreign cases, particularly, in Japan, it is needed to note that Byeulseos and housing gardens are designated for 196 places of Scenic Spot, reaching 55.4% of entire Scenic Spots. Laws, regulations, systems and designated criteria on the cases of designating the foreign Scenic Spots would be studied and quoted. Fourth, the classification work for each type to designate as cultural heritage has to be continued as the Scenic Spot of subject site with even more emerged for the value as the Scenic Spot in garden, original site and the like classified as historic site, important folk data and the like. Fifth, the designation of Scenic Spot of Byeulseo garden with splendid scenery as the living Scenic Spot has to be expanded. The pavilion existed now nationwide would be approximately 1,500, and these pavilions are the place where the scholars stay in the famous site, and this is the central space of Byeulseo to study, and if there is clear one that has written and record of deed to create the stories to people with the value for publicity campaign, it would be the subject of Scenic Spot. And sixth, for the case of view point with splendid scenery in Byeulseo Garden, it cannot be the subject of designation that the designation of Scenic Spot has to be expanded. In the event of the Byeulseo garden in Korea, there are many cases of having outstanding view points, and there is a few case of designating the subject site with great view point as a Scenic Spot.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.1
• /
• pp.4-23
• /
• 2020

This study examines the universal meaning of the roof-end tile, our cultural property, and especially focuses on an ontological interpretation of the "Smile of Silla" roof-end tile. In addition, the problem of good and evil read here is considered in connection with the universal problem of philosophy. The issue of good and evil is a theme in philosophy, theology, religion, and culture that will endure throughout human history in both the East and the West. Augustine and Schelling inquired deeply into the source of evil and obtained an answer to this question based on their methods, but their answer is not universal or absolute, or an answer that applies to everyone. This is because the issue of good and evil possesses both a direct relationship with every human being and a characteristic that will remain unresolved. That is to say, the metaphysical question regarding the source of evil will always be one that is open. Nietzsche, however, repudiated the morals handed down through Socrates and Christianity, and urged that we reside "beyond good and evil." This brief review argues that good and evil exists in the form of a being in itself, whether it is within our grasp or not, and reveals that good and evil is more "this-worldly" than it is "other-worldly". The roof-end tiles with facial markings passed on to us also presuppose that evil is in full force in this world and exerts its influence. This review taps into several folk methods for coping with the existence of an invincible evil that surpasses human capability and contemplates the extraordinary and creative ideas of the Silla people through their "Smile of Silla" roof-end tiles with facial markings that were used to counter evil.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.98 no.1
• /
• pp.66-81
• /
• 2009

From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.31 no.4
• /
• pp.685-698
• /
• 1996

Southern Louisiana has one of the largest Vitnamese refrgee neighborhoods after the mid-1970s. It is impressive that one of their adaptive strategies comes from their religious lives which are centered on either Catholicism or Buddhism. The Buddhism community, especially, exhibits an exotic symbolic system of value and attitude, and thus contributes to cultural diversity in the adopted country. The landscape of the Buddhist temple is a visible symbol to them that the host socirty accepts their maintenance of their own cultural identity and that they are also an integral part of American society. Their making-place and being-in-place procedures, although their culture is being transformed in the original shape, put an emphasis on interaction with the host xociety. These procedures have been facilitated by consolidating their identity as a minority group as well as by interacting with the host society. The on-going influx of foreign immigrant groups seems not to drive them to assimilate into the melting-pot society, but to contribute to contribute to the increase in the cultural diversity of the United States.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.37
• /
• pp.187-221
• /
• 2018

The style of performance to contemporary nongak is not fixed in a specific period of time, but in conjunction with the total change in society that has occurred during its long time from traditional society to the modern times. It is important to recognize that the traditional performance art forms that we see and feel today, including nongak, are constantly interacting with the times and are a change in the design that has been shaped in the past. Now, we must get rid of the negative idea that there is some fixed prototype in Nongak. Also, the value and the need for preservation of current Nongak should not be evaluated according to the ' pure genealogy of village descent, ' which was possible only in villages with small population movements long ago. If can get rid of the stereotypes, can greatly expand the view that we read the values of a certain Nongak. Looking away from a few of these traditional fixed perceptions can significantly broaden the view of reading the winning values of some farmers ' songs. In this regard, this report determined the performing style and nature of Changwon's Toichon-noangak through a structural analysis of the Toichon-noangak in contemporary, and discussed the significance of the transmittion of Toichon-noangak. Changwon Toichon Nongak started out as an even-present ritual performance based on the religious nature of the village community and actively exchanged with the economic, social and cultural foundations of the Republic of Korea, which began to accumulate in the modern changes. Generally, the performance style of village Nongak has a combination of characteristics according to the ritual, Dure(collective labor), entertainment, and these three functions. Toichon Nongak is also a village Nongak style and in which of ritual nongak and village entertainment nongak are connected in parallel as one in the big total structure. The origin, background, purpose, and style of towing of Toichon noangak demonstrates that the Toichon noangak is originally ceremonial noangak derived from a prayer style of Dongje. Then, various factors influences are interacting with Toichon noangak within the orbit of modern society, such a style of playing, popular nongak, is believed to have undergone an extended change. Overall, Toichon nongak performance style can be called nongak, which maintains traditional customs and it also has the changed characteristics according to the times of village society.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.70
• /
• pp.435-466
• /
• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.