• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.285-320
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• 2020

This study aims to examine the processes of changes of the two main roles, Sangjwa(the young Buddist monk) chum and Omjung(the monk with a boil on his face) chum, performed in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori, on the basis of Chumsawi (dance-movement). Above all, having studied many artistic remains performed by Jo jong sun, Jung han gyu, Park jun seup, Kim sung tae from 1929 to 1942, two main roles, in which Geodeureum chum is now an essential part in almost all performances, were then played only in Kkaekki chum to Taryong Jangdan without performances of Geodeureum chum. In case of Sangjwa chum, players had performed ad libitum and without restraint only on the basis of five sorts of Kkaekki chum's movements. In Omjung chum, witty remarks along with the drama had become more important factors than dances. Let alone two main roles, other parts then also showed no big changes in dance performance. Performers just tried to maintain its slender existence within stifling atmosphere because of oppressions and restraints during the Japanese imperialism. After the restoration of independence in 1945, Kim sung tae and his disciples made a great effort on the restoration of Talnori. During the Korean war, many players also endeavored to keep a good track of Talnori, teaching and training their young followers. Especially performers such as Park jun seup, Park sang hwan, Kim sung tae, and Lee jang sun put much more efforts on restoring Talnori. From that time, Geodeureum chum began to appear in two main roles' performances. In Sangjwa's performances, Byeogsa ritual dance, which was performed to Taryong Jangdan, changed into performances to Yeombul Jangdan, and Kkaekki chum -originally slow and ritual dance, became very fast and active one. Geodeureum chum, called Yongteulim, was added in Omjung chum, so that dance had more important role in performance. Even at this time, dance movements were not clearly and completely organized and arranged, because Geodeureum chum's performance was not clearly defined as orderly dance movements but was regarded as just a movement. After Geodeureum chum being designated as a cultural treasure, Lee byeong kwon took over the task from Park sang hwan, Sangjwa chum's performer, so Geodeureum chum became much more well organzied, arranged and orderly. Geodeureum chum played by Sangjwa had almost the same order of scenes and movements as Geodeureum chum played by Yeonnip. Based on this performance, the order of dances and movements was consistently arranged and settled. Following Park jun seup's performances, Jangsam was more widely applied and used in Omjung chum than ever before, so Omjung chum became much more organized and arranged. Well-arranged Omjung chum had also almost the same dances and movements as Nojang chum's. Yeonnip and Nojang's performances were not directly and intentionally studied and applied to two main roles in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori. Players seemed to borrow those parts naturally through many times of performances. Through their persistent efforts, Jangdan and dance movements have more clearly and completely been organized, establied, and improved through many years' performances. And dance movement can be performed exactly to Jangdan, so we have more complete and orderly types of dance movements. Thanks to many performers' efforts, Sangjwa chum has been established as one that only top performer can play, and Omjung chum has become an integral part in Yangju Byeolsandae Nori.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.4
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• pp.170-183
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• 2019

Fiber scutching refers to the process of extracting fibers from plants by separating or extracting fibers from the raw materials. As the definition of the term implies, the "Fiber Scutching" is performed on plants with advanced bast fiber as the primary material processing technique performed on plant materials. Some of the most popular phosphorus plants are ramie, hemp, flax, and the paper mulberry, which have a long history of cultivation and a wide range of distribution, making them very universal as a material supporting human life and culture. This study was described in Oju-yeonmunjangjeon-sango but was designed to re-examine the method of breaking dried stalks, which is currently unused in Korea, to examine the feasibility and characteristics of the technology. As a result of sampling and experimenting with hemp bast using the method recorded in the literature, hemp fiber was actually produced. The criteria for removing the shell from the hemp stem were the degree of discoloration and drying, and only when the stalk was completely discolored to yellow could segregation of the stalk from the shell be performed. The amount of sunlight and temperature were conditions that accelerated drying. However, if exposed for a long time, it is confirmed that hemp bast will be in a suitable condition to process, regardless of the amount of sunlight and temperature. 'Breaking of dried stalks', which utilizes the physical power of 'threshing with a flail' is considered a core process of the fiber scutching technique in 'Yukjin' in Hamgyeong-do. The bark and the core of the hemp were separated by tapping, the bast was thinly split, and the shell was peeled off, making it suitable for collecting with thread. The method of collecting the fibers by applying physical power causes downing on the fibers, which is to be generally avoided in the manufacture of bast fabric woven hemp or ramie. However, Hamgyeong-do's fiber scutching method seems to have applied this principle to the method of making fragile fabrics by using it in reverse. This method is distinct from the steaming or boiling of the stalks' in Andong, Korea, and it is similar to the Western method of spinning fabrics.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.282-299
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• 2014

Cette $\acute{e}$tude a pour objectif de d$\acute{e}$velopper le g$\acute{e}$otourisme des $\hat{i}$les de Geomun et de Baek dans le Parc Marin National de Dadohae pour conna$\hat{i}$tre les caract$\acute{e}$ristiques de cette r$\acute{e}$gion du point de vue $\acute{e}$cologique, historique et culturel $\grave{a}$ partir de ses ressources g$\acute{e}$omorphiques et g$\acute{e}$ologiques qui ont la haute de valeur $prot{\acute{e}}g{\acute{e}}e$. Il y a plusieurs ressources g$\acute{e}$omorphiques et g$\acute{e}$ologiques sur l'$\hat{i}$le de Baek: falaise; caverne marine; tafoni; le relief li$\acute{e}$ $\grave{a}$ les roches volcaniques. Il y a aussi plusieurs ressources historiques et culturels sur les $\hat{i}$les de Go et d'Est: le cimeti$\grave{a}$r d'arm$\acute{e}$e anglaise li$\acute{e}$e $\grave{a}$ l'occupation ill$\acute{e}$gale de l'$\hat{i}$le de Geomun en 1885; le site historique de Kim Ryu(金劉) qui a enseign$\acute{e}$ les disciples de confucianisme et qui a $succ{\acute{e}}d{\acute{e}}$ au Confucius; la for$\hat{e}$t de feuillus de zone $temp{\acute{e}}r{\acute{e}}e$ sur l'$\hat{i}$le d'Ouest et la ceinture de falaise sur l'$\hat{i}$le de Baek. Une route g$\acute{e}$otouristique part de l'$\hat{i}$le d'Ouest et continue $\grave{a}$ l'$\hat{i}$le d'Est: c'est la route $\acute{e}$cologique, historique et culturel sur l'$\hat{i}$le de Geomun. L'autre route continue de la c$\hat{o}$te de l'$\hat{i}$le de Baek: c'est la route de paysages g$\acute{e}$omorphiques et g$\acute{e}$ologiques. Nous proposons des plusieurs exemples pour d$\acute{e}$velopper le g$\acute{e}$otourisme des $\hat{i}$les de Geomun et de Baek: installation de centre visiteur et de panneaux d'explication g$\acute{e}$otouristique sur le g$\acute{e}$osite central ; monitoring environmental.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.43-107
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• 2005

A ritual ceremony accompanied by a song and dance is called as Kagura in Japan. The word Kagura is originally derived from Kamukura, which means the place where spirits reside. However, later it came to refer to the whole process of the ritual ceremony itself. Through the field studies, this paper examines Takachiho-kagura, helded in Takachiho, known as the village of myths, located in northern Miyazaki-ken in Japan. Kagura takes place all night through in each and every village in Takachiho and it normally runs from the end of November when the harvest season ends until early February the next year. One ordinary house is especially chosen for this ceremony, in which Kagura performs 33 repertoires. Takachiho-kagura is sometimes called as Yokagura, since the performance takes place over-night. A song and dance is performed by ordinary village people called hoshyadong, who inherited Takachiho-kagura. Currently, the ceremony is held in more than 20 villages and designated by the government as "Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property" in Japan. Takachiho-kagura follows the example of rituals held in Sada shrine in Izumo, which is now eastern Hiroshima-ken. It is the dance using a bell, a sword, a fan, which signify Norimono and is usually combined with mask-play called as Shinno. From the shrine of village, itwelcomes the gods who defense their village, called Ujikami and other 8 million gods, called Yaoyorozunokami, in Kagurayado, where Kagura of 33 repertoires is played in order. Kagura starts from dances for attendance of the gods, Hikomai, Daidono, Kamioroshi, performs dances of Amanoiwato, the gate of heaven's cave in Japanese myths, Dazikara, Uzume, Dotori, and continues dances for the old ghosts Shibahiki, Yatsubachi mixed with acrobatics. Finally, this performance ends with dances to send off the gods, Hinomae, Gurioroshi, Gumooroshi, until the dawn the next morning. This paper explores Takachiho-kagura from the perspective of folk performance with ethnography. These days, ecstasy and oracle do not happen in Takachiho-kagura. However, it kept the old form of folk performance as Kagura held in ordinary house. Especially, in Takachiho, remarkable venue of the Japanese myths, Takachiho-kagura is developed artistically. The first field study was held in Gokamura, Iwato-zone and Ashakabe, Mitai-zone between December 6th and December 12th 1997. Afterwards, the second field study was conducted in the area of Shiba and Ashakabe from December 17th until December 19th 1997 and from December 1st until December 10th 2000.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.91-104
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• 2009

This paper attempts to look at the identity of the traditional famous sceneries of Jeju Island by investigating the relationship between 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung(瀛州十二景)', which are the representative beautiful scenes of Jeju Island, and two paintings 'T'amna-Sipkyungtdo(耽羅十景圖)' and 'T'amna-Sullyokto(耽羅巡歷圖)' by a grasp of the contents and meanings of these two paintings. The following are the results of the study. In the 'T'amna-Sipkyung', which is the origin of today's 12 beautiful sceneries of Jeju Island, Baekrokdam and Youngsil are both symbolic places and the backdrops against which Jeju's myths were formed. Jocheonjin, Seogwijin and Myoungwoljin, located near the seashores, are strategic footholds in protecting the territory of the island and connotatively contain its culture and history. Seongsan Ilchulbong, Sanbangsan, Chwibyeongdam and Cheonjeyeon Pokpo are not only the quintessentially beautiful scenes of Jeju but also belong to 'YeoungJu-Sipikyung'. And 'T'amna-Sullyokto', which describes the Jeju horses and tangerines that were presented to the king as tribute, offers scenic elements with a strong political tone and is related to the five scene of 'T'amna-Sullyokto', showing that 'defense' and 'tribute' are motives in choosing the sceneries of people's daily lives here. Jeju's daily scenes in particular have been continuously transmitted: 'Idyllic lives with the background of a tangerine orchard' are shown in 'Kowon Panggo' and 'Kyullim P'ungak', and Jeju horses grazing on pastures or being ridden in hunting trips are presented in 'Sanjang Kuma' and 'Kyorae Taeryop'. Besides Baekrokdam and Youngsil, which do not belong to Sunyeok(巡歷) corridor of minister Lee Hyoungsang, 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', directly related to 'T'amna-Sipkyung', has six beautiful sceneries: Seongsan of Seongsan Ilchulbong, Baekrokdam of Baekrokmanseol, Younggok of Youngsilgiam, Sanbang of Sanbanggulsa Chwibyeongdam of Yongyeonyabeom and Seogwiso of Seojinnoseong. The image of 'Gosumokma', the tenth landscape of 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', was expressed as it is, through 'Udojeomma' and 'Sanjangguma'. The ten beautiful sceneries of 'T'amna-Sipkyung' were also especially described in 'T'amna-Sullyokto', besides Baekrokdam and Youngsil, which do not belong to Sunyeok corridor. As the places and landscapes emphasized on 'T'amna-Sipkyungto' and 'T'amna-Sullyokto' in common have been transmitted by the politicians and ancestors of Jeju Island, they have become established as today's 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung', passing through correction processes. When considering this process of development, 'Yeoung Ju-Sipikyung' are worthy of heritage and traditional landscapes accomplished in a long difficult period based on investigation into beautiful Jeju Island and the love of the island people for their home.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.23
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• pp.71-105
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• 2005

Toson-Shibigok(Twelve Songs of Toson) which T'oegye, Yi Hwang, composed has received a lot of attention in terms of its educational implications. These implications have become the essential part of Gojeon Sigas(classic songs and poems), and solid evidence has also been accumulated in the literature. Therefore, the purposes of this study are twofold, that is 1) to explore the impact of T'oegye's fundamental structure of the first education at that time and 2) describe how these educational attitudes will eventually yield meta- educational values. What T'oegye meant by fundamental structure of the first education was that Sijos originated from his own experience should be the vital part of teaching method. One can say that T'oegye's teaching method is more integrative than that of modern literature education in that it includes songs. Not only using his own teaching method, but T'oegye tried to demonstrate his own literary structure to his colleagues and the future generations. In the end, Meta-Education which comprises the heart of recent educational theories well reflects Toegye's theoretical propositions. Rather than giving practical knowledge, his method offers the paradigms of thought patterns and shows the learners' attitudes in approaching the truth. Moreover, T'oegye's teaching method has become a good example to the future generations as well as his contemporary followers. In sum, although a lot of years have passed since he died, T'oegye's Sijo works and life still have invaluable impact on the field of education.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.87-96
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• 2012

This study aimed at empirically identifying how the cultural phenomena of localisation and attachment are implemented through Mohyeonjeong and Supodae at Gajo-myeon, Geochang-gun, Gyeongnam. 'Daehakdong', the name of the place where the Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae is located, has a meaning of the place where Geong-Pil Kim(金宏弼) the Hanhwondang(寒暄堂), one of the 5 eastern sages, and Yeo-Chang Jeong(鄭汝昌) the Ildu tought Neo-Confucianism. In addition, in case of Mt. Odo(1,134m) embracing the garden, the meaning of Odo is the five virtues in Confucianism, so we can see that Confucianism was strong in that area. The meaning of 'Mohyeon(慕賢)', "missing and thinking of sages", reflects the emotion of attachment to the place where people pay a tribute to the memory of Seon-Saeng Yang the Hwondu, one of the 5 eastern sages and the creator of Neo-Confucianism in Kyeongnam, and Suk-Ryang Choi(崔淑梁) the ancestors Pyeongchon. In addition, Odojae(吾道齋), Kijeok monument to pay a tribute to the memory of Pyeongchon, the persimmon tree symbolizing Hanhwondang, and Jidongam(志同巖) standing in front of Mohyeon pavillion represent the united wills of the above 3 people to show their Dohak(道學) spirit by practicing it, and also a reiterated expression of attachment to the place. 'Hwonduyangseonsaeng janggujiso' and 'Pyeongchonchoigong ganghakjiso(坪村崔公講學地所)' engraved on the rock of Myeongso Supodae where they gave a lecture of Neo-Confucianism to local Confucianists for many years and enjoyed nature make us to identify the intrinsic meaning of the location that was inherited in the memory of people. Along with this, most of the content of poetry, restoration records, and Sangryang articles are filled with the content reminding of the historical meaning and origin of Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae, so we can see from this that the place had the spatial meaning of Jangsujiso(藏修之所), 'the place of lecturing and communicating' and respecting ancient sages. This spatial tradition is the result of positive attachment to the place, and Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae is the place where the attachment to the place was made spontaneously througth the localisation. To sum it up, Mohyeon-jeong and Supodae was the place of attachment where one paid a tribute to the memory of ancient sages, and Mohyeonjeong and Supodae rocks were the representative examples of the localisation to show the meaning of the place by implication. Studying the process of attachment and localisation of the place does not only enable us to infer the genuine form of the traditional memorial space and park, but also to reproduce the place with the modern concept.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.62-82
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• 2019

Taking the three Wuyi-Gugok Drawings, 『A Picture Showing the Boundary Between Mountains and Rivers: A』, 『Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain: B』 and 『Eighteen Sceneries of Wuyi Mountain: C』, which were produced in the mid-Qing Dynasty as the research objects and after investigating the names recorded in the paintings, this paper tries to analyze the scenic spots, scene types and images in the literature survey. Also, based on the number of Scenic type and the number of Scenic name in each Gok, landscape richness(LR) and landscape similarity(LS) of the Gugok scenic spots, the cognitive characteristics of the landscape in the 18th century were carefully observed. The results are as follows. Firstly, according to the description statistics of scenic spot types in Wuyi Mountain Chronicle, there were 41 descriptions of scenery names in the three paintings, among which rock, peak and stone accounted for the majority. According to the data, the number of rocks, peaks and stones in Wuyi-Gugok landscape accounted for more than half, which reflected the characteristics of geological landscape such as Danxia landform in Wuyi-Gugok landscape. Secondly, the landscape of Gugok Stream(九曲溪) was diverse and full of images. The 1^st Gok Daewangbong(大王峰) and Manjeongbong(幔亭峰), the 2^nd Gok Oknyeobong(玉女峰), the 3^rd Gok Sojangbong(小藏峰), the 4^th Gok Daejangbong(大藏峰), the 5^th Gok Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) and Muijeongsa(武夷精舍), the 6^th Gok Seonjangbong(仙掌峰) and Cheonyubong(天游峰) all had outstanding landscape in each Gok. However, the landscape features of the 7^th~9^th Gok were relatively low. Thirdly, according to the landscape image survey of each Gok, the image formation of Gugok cultural landscape originates from the specificity of the myths and legends related to Wuyi Mountain, and the landscape is highly well-known. Due to the specificity, the landscape recognition was very high. In particular, the 1^st Gok and the 5^th Gok closely related to the Taoist culture based on Muigun, the Stone Carving culture and the Boat Tour culture related to neo-confucianism culture of Zhu Xi. Fourthly, according to the analysis results of landscape similarity of 41 landscape types shown in the figure, the similarity of A and C was very high. The morphological description and the relationship of distant and near performance was very similar. Therefore, it could be judged that this was obviously influenced by one painting. As a whole, the names of the scenes depicted in the three paintings were formed at least in the first half of 18^th century through a long history of inheritance, accumulated myths and legends, and the names of the scenes. The order of the scenery names in three Drawings had some differences. But among the scenery names appearing in all three Drawings, there were 21 stones, 20 rocks and 17 peaks. Stones, rocks and peaks guided the landscape of Gugok Streams in Wuyi Mountain. Fifthly, Seonjodae(仙釣臺) in A and C was described in the 4^th Gok, but what deserved attention was that it was known as the scenery name of the 3^rd Gok in Korean. In addition, Seungjindong(升眞洞) in the 1^st Gok and Seokdangsa(石堂寺) in the 7^th Gok were not described in Drawings A, B and C. This is a special point that needs to be studied in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.82-101
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to survey and analyze the origin story and the legends associated with Yongyudam(龍遊潭, Dragon Creek), its scenic and spatial description in Climbing Writings(遊山記: Yusangi Notes), its geographical and geological features, its surrounding remains and letters chiseled on the rocks through the field study and the study on literatures associated with it so to identify its significance and value and then to ensure justification on preservation of Yongyudam scenic site. Conclusions of this study are as follow. As the traditional scenic place 'Geumdae-Jiri(金臺智異)' representing Hamyang-gun(咸陽郡) depicts Mount Cheonwangbong and 'Yongyudong Village(龍遊洞)', ancient maps and literatures have positioned Yongyudam as the center of Eomcheon-river Creek as well as the representing scenic site of Yongyudong Village. Core images in the spatial awareness of Yongyudam described in our ancestors' Climbing Writings Notes on Jirisan Mount are 'geographical and scenic peculiarity associated with swimming dragons', 'potholes in various shapes and sizes scattered on rocks', 'loud sound generated by swirling from shoals' and 'the scenic metaphor from the dragon legend', which have led scenic features of Yongyudam scenic site. In addition, significant scenic metaphors from legends such as 'Nine Dragons and Ascetic Majeog' and 'Kasaya Fish' as well as 'the Holy Place of Dragon God', the rain calling magic god have descended not only as the very nature of Yongyudam scenic site but also the catalyst deepening its mystic and place nature. On the other hand, Jangguso Place(杖?所, Place of Scholars) in the vicinity of Yongyudam was the place of resting and amusement for scholars from Yeongnam Province, to name a few, Kim Il-son, Cho Sik, Jung Yeo-chang and Kang Dae-su, where they experienced and recognized Jirisan Mount as the scenic living place. Letters Carved on the rocks at Jangguso Place are memorial tributes and monumental signs. Around Yongyudam, there are 3 stairs, letters chiseled on the rocks and the water rock artificially built to collect clean water, which are traditional scenic remains detectable of territoriality as the ritual place. In addition, The letters on the rock at Yongyudong-mun(龍遊洞門) discovered for the first time by this study are the sign promoting Yongyudam as the place of splendid landscape. The laconism, 'It is the Greatest Water in Jirisan Mount(方丈第一山水)' on a rock expresses the pride of Yongyudam as the representing scenic place of Mount Jirisan. Other than those, standing rocks such as Simjindae Rock, Yeong-gwidae Rock and Ganghwadae Rock show the sign that they are used as amusement and gathering places for ancestor scholars, which add significance to Yongyudam. By this study, it was possible to verify that Yongyudam in Mount Jirisan is not simply 'the scenic place in the tangible reality' but also has seamlessly inherited as the traditional scenic attraction spiritualized by overlapped historical and cultural values. Yongyudam, as the combined heritage by itself, shows that it is the product of the place nature as well as unique ensemble of cultural scenic attraction inherited through long history based on natural scenery. It is certain that not only the place value but also geographical, geological, historical and cultural values of Yongyudam are the essence of traditional scenic attraction, which should not be disparaged or damaged by whatever political or economic interests and logics.