• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.2
• /
• pp.270-285
• /
• 2020

This study examines the state of archeological research on Silla and Unified Silla conducted in North Korea and identifies its characteristics. In South Korea, most research has focused on prehistoric times in North Korea, and little research has been done on Silla and Unified Silla. Noting this, we attempted to examine the history of archaeological research in North Korea to provide foundations upon which to go forward. The research was examined in terms of general archaeological themes including tombs, fortresses, the capital city, earthenware, roof tiles, ornaments, weapons, and horse harnesses, and we identified four characteristics from the examination. First, Juche ideology had a great influence on interpretation of the unification of the three kingdoms. The Juche ideology was first proposed in 1955, and at the time, it was not fully established as an ideology but rather seen as constituting opposition to toadyism. Accordingly, the unification of the three kingdoms led by Silla was seen as amounting to collusion with foreign forces and was not acknowledged. A piece of evidence shows that this change took place around 1962. Second, an inclination to testify to the 'uniqueness' of the cultures of the three kingdoms is observed. The argument is that culture in the Korean peninsula has unique characteristics that set it apart from Chinese culture, and that the cultures of the three kingdoms share much in common. This inclination was not mentioned in research until the 1950s, and it can be seen as an effort to comply with Juche ideology and prove the principle of unity as stated in the national leader's instructions in the 1960s. Third, the influence of Goguryeo on the formation of Silla culture is emphasized. Related research explains that Baekje, Silla, and Gaya adopted the 'superior' culture of Goguryeo, and could establish 'uniqueness' of culture accordingly. It is claimed that an advanced Goguryeo culture was disseminated throughout Balhae and Unified Silla, and then to Goryeo, resulting in a true unification of the ethnic culture. Fourth, researchers in North Korea presume the Silla tombs and other relics to be far older than South Korean researchers' estimate. From a standpoint of highlighting the long history of Korea, they estimate the Silla Dynasty was founded in the early or mid-first century. Accordingly, archeological evidence that demonstrates the establishment of the state is dated as far back. Such an estimate is also indispensable in justifying the explanation that the chamber tombs of Goguryeo had a direct influence on Silla. These research characteristics which arose during the 1960s continue to be basic guidelines for North Korean researchers.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
• /
• no.33
• /
• pp.153-184
• /
• 2016

This study investigates the funeral rituals practiced by the Joseon Dynasty as recorded about Lee Mun Geon (1494~1567, a.k.a Mukjae), who mourned by the grave of his deceased mother, Ms. Shin (1463~1535), a woman whose family's origin was Goryeon. The study focuse on the rituals performed by Lee after his mother's death, his participation in the funeral, and his mourning specifically as an individual who has lost his parent. Reviewing Lee's mourning life beside the grave, the contents of diary belonging to a nobleman in the middle of Joseon Dynasty were studied aimsing to find out the meaning of rituals, the overall recognition accorded to death, and the filial duties that were carried out by the noblemen of the time. Although noblemen in the middle of Joseon Dynasty ceaselessly attempted to change the observance of funeral rituals through legislation, it was difficult to change the mindset of the people, who fllowed the deep-rooted traditions of long history. It must be acknowledged that the Joseon Dynasty had a different cultural background than that of China. There was a fundamental problem when they tried to adapt The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi, followed by the Chinese, to the Joseon society. Although The Family Rituals of Zhu Xi emphasized ancestral rites focusing on enshrining mortuary tablets and the importance of establishing the family shrine hundred times, noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty period cared for their parents in the grave by mourning for them than by following such practice. The solemn memorial service held in front of the grave, and the annual ritual service on the death anniversary were far more important to the noblemen in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Amid such contradictions, the noblemen accepted and performed the mourning rituals beside the grave of their parent. Human beings across the ages have always dwelt upon thoughts of the afterlife. Most people believe that they attain a state after the death of their physicalbody. If humans did not have such thoughts, they would not be bothered if death occurs on being hit by a car on the street. Thus, human beings often think of the ritual services related to death, although in different forms. Therefore, mourning by the grave of their parent held great significance among the noblemen of the Joseon Dynasty as a sign of their filial piety.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.50 no.4
• /
• pp.198-221
• /
• 2017

The Jjoksaem site is the eastern sector of Daereungwon Ancient Tomb Complex, Gyeongju(the 512th Historic site) called Wolseong North Burial Ground in academic community. The excavation and research of this site was conducted from 2007 to 2015, with the purpose of basic data offering for the restoration of Silla tumuli and development of ancient tomb park. As a result of the investigation, more than 700 new tombs were discovered except the 155 tumuli founded in the Japanese colonial era. Moreover, more than 70 percent of the smaller tombs, such as outer coffin tombs, were discovered here. There are four characteristics of outer coffin tombs in Jjoksaem site. First, it is recognized the Gyeongju-styled outer coffin tombs have a long rectangular shape, distinct from Gimhae-styled outer coffin tombs in a rectangular shape. Second, they are divided into three groups by the size of the grave area. This is indirectly related to the rank and the status of the buried person. Third, these tombs began to be constructed at the end of the 3rd century before the time of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. They were ruined because of the new tombs constructed at the period of Maripgan. This reflects that the identity of the former tombs was not respected by the communities in the later generations. Outer coffin tombs were consistently made to the end of the era of wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound. Lastly, the area of burial ground of outer coffin tombs is limited by wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and wooden mounds. Otherwise, the location of the burial ground for the deceased is limited by the status of the deceased. The idea that wooden chamber tombs covered by stone and earthen mound are located on the above ground turns out to be incorrect. In Jjoksaem site, there is little difference between the height of the circular burial protection stone and the height of the digging lines of the other tombs. In the case of No.44 tumulus, the lowest step of the circular burial protection stones is lower than those of the other tombs and tumuli. Research of outer coffin tombs at Jjoksaem site will be to suggest important academic data about the changing period from Saroguk, as the head of chiefdom union, to Silla, as state.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.46 no.4
• /
• pp.4-23
• /
• 2013

Songsalli Ancient Tombs of Gongju consists of seven tombs. King Muryeong's tomb, the seventh tomb, is a brick chamber tomb discovered during the drainage works for the fifth and the sixth tombs in 1971. The excavation at the time focused on topographic surveys of the tomb entrance and the inside of the burial chamber as well as collection of the remains. The burial mount survey confirmed the status of some stone slab remaining and lime-mixed soil layers, but the survey did not examine the exterior structure of the whole tomb as the mounds were removed even more deeply. The excavation revealed damages to the bricks and mural damages due to moisture and fungus in the sixth and the seventh tombs. Between 1996 and 1997, Gongju National University conducted a comprehensive detailed survey of Songsalli Ancient Tombs including a geophysical survey, with an aim to identify the root causes of such degradation. Based on the results, repair took place in 1999 and the fifth, sixth and seventh tombs were placed under permanent conservation to conserve the cultural assets. General public is currently denied access. The purpose of this study was to conduct a three-dimensional resistivity and GPR surveys on the ground surface of the fifth, sixth and seventh tombs of Songsalli Ancient Tombs in order to understand the underground status after repair. The study also aimed to understand the thickness of all the tomb walls and exterior structure based on GPR inside King Muryeong's tomb. The exploration on the ground surface found that the three tombs and soil adjacent to the tombs had resistivity as low as 5 to $90{\Omega}m$, which confirmed that the soil water content was still as high as that prior to the repair work. Additionally, GPR found that the wall construction of the burial chamber of King Muryeong's tomb was approximately 70cm in thickness, while the structure was of 2B with two bricks, about 35cm in length, put together longitudinally(2B brick masonry). The pathway to the burial chamber was of the 2B structure just like that of the burial chamber walls, while its thickness was 80cm with an eyebrow-type arch connected to it. Also, the ceiling exterior appears to have an arch structure, identical to the shape inside.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.34
• /
• pp.225-255
• /
• 2009

Few data on the epigraph from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have been reported so far. The present paper, based on an examination of the style of the epitaphic tombstones of Princess Jeong-Hye and Princess Jeong-Hyo, investigates the historical formation and characteristics of Balhae's epitaphic style and its influences on the posterior periods. The epitaphs from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have the following epigraphic characteristics and historical significances. First, Bal-Hae's epitaphs are similar to those from the Goguryeo Dynasty in the sense that they are angular in their form. Tombstones with angular head first appeared during the East Han period. During the Wi-Jin period, however, as tombstones were not allowed to be erected in front of the tomb, small-sized epitaphic tombstones were set up inside tombs. Typical tombstones from the Dang Dynasty had stone pole and square cover. Unlike those from the Dang and the Tong-Il Silla Dynasties, however, the epitaphs from Bal-Hae had angular head in their tombstone body. The Bal-Hae's angular headed tombstones are very likely to testify that Goguryeo's epitaphs, which features an influence from the Wi-Jin Nambuk-Jo period, in turn exerted an effect on those from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Second, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones are characterized by their hexagonal head,which were modified from the then typical pentagonal head by cutting out the sharp point. The hexagonal head, which has not been found in its neighboring countries during the same historical period, is peculiar to the epitaphic tombstones from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Third, the edge lines and ornamental figures first appeared in Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones, as seen in those of Princess Jeong-Hye. In the fa?ade of the epitaphic tombstone, a carved line demarcates its rectangular body and trapezoidal head. Four faces of the body stonehave two parallel lines in their edges within which vignette was inscribed, and the trapezoidal head part was ornamented with flower figures. Fourth, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstone had an extensive influence on the posterior countries in its neighborhood. The epitaphic tombstones in the Bal-Hae style are very often found in those of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Yo Dynasty which were greatly influenced from Bal-Hae. The vestiges of Bal-Hae's epitaphic style are also found in those from the Song, the Geum, and the Won Dynasties.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.1
• /
• pp.51-61
• /
• 2022

Earthenware horn cups with horse head decorations were excavated from Tomb No. 7 of Bokcheon-dong, Dongraegu, Busan Metropolitan City. Made of earth in the shape of a horn, these cups are considered to have been used to drink alcohol or beverage. Large numbers of earthenware horn cups of various shapes were excavated from tombs located in the old territories of Silla and Gaya. A pair of earthenware horn cups were excavated from Tomb No. 7, and the two cups are almost identical in overall shapes and manufacturing techniques despite different sizes. Conservation treatment was carried out for the bigger one of the two horn cups this time. There are two cracks toward the horse head decorations around the mouth with missing parts observed. The chest of the horse touches the ground with one side decorating the horse head and the other side facing the conical mouth of the horn cup. It is in the U shape, striking a balance based on two legs attached behind. The surface of the horn cup was made with a potter's wheel, and the connection to the horse head has traces of cutting and trimming. The horse head is expressed realistically with its features including the ears, eyes, nose, and mouth well apprehended and its color is grey This study intended to investigate manufacturing techniques of the artifact by examining its internal structure through the condition survey in a non-destructive way. CT imaging was used to figure out its manufacturing techniques and to diagnose its condition, and accordingly the scientific conservation treatment was conducted to stabilize the artifact. The precise diagnosis on conservation condition found that there are two chips in the spout with their cracks extended. One of the chips is connected with separation added to the crack. The material which has been used for connection in the past was collected for the infrared spectroscopic analysis, which was identified to be nitrocellulose resin for the connection. Therefore, this conservation treatment focused on removing the old material and preventing the spread of cracks. Before conservation treatment, the condition survey and scientific examination for the artifact were carried out to secure data about the earthenware horn cup with horse head decorations(Treasure). Based on them, effective plans for its conservation treatment was sought for and then existing adhesive was safely removed, and restoration material was selected to take into account its reversibility. In addition, the conservation treatment according to optimal methodologies was conducted through the consultation meeting with experts.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.55 no.4
• /
• pp.56-70
• /
• 2022

Tombs No. 39 and No. 63 in Gyo-dong, Changnyeong, are unique in the Changnyeong area in that they do not have additional burials because they are hoenggu-style tombs with an entrance on the north side. This study tried to understand the nature and meaning of the two separate stone walls at the entrance of the tomb along with the burial process of the tomb. These two stone walls mark small tombs built independently within a large tomb, with stone wall No. 39 stone wall No. 3 (No.39-3) and No. 63 stone wall No. 3 (No. 63-3). Both units are located in the middle of the northern wall of the burial body part and share one wall with the burial body part wall stone. All animal fluids inside the stone wall were identified. In particular, it was estimated that at least three dogs were buried as a result of identification of animal fluids No. 63-3. Above all, these animals have their heads facing outward with their backs to the main occupants, and do not overlap in a limited space and are placed side by side. Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 were created in the process of building the burial body, and although they are independent relics, they form a subordinate relationship in that they were built along the main burial within one tomb. In addition, it is coercive in that it is placed in an orderly manner according to a certain direction in a state that has not been dismantled after killing an animal. Therefore, It is understood to be the SHUNJANG of dogs. Studies on animal fluids excavated from tombs in the Three Kingdoms period are interpreted as animal stewardship, sacrificial collection, and animal sacrifice depending on their location, and this is known as a series of animal sacrifice rites, namely, animal stewardship and sacrifice. This recognition is based on material objectification of animals, such as food or sacrifices. However, Changnyeong Gyo-dong No. 39-3 and 63-3 are different in that they recognize animals as spiritual beings in the process of funeral rites and are closely related to the ideology that there is life after death. In addition, analysis of the location and directionality of the remains is also required from multiple angles. These two SHUNJANG correspond to the entrance to the tomb, and the location is the most open space at the entrance. The appearance of a dog looking outward, etc., can also be interpreted as the meaning of protecting the tombs and byeoksa. This appearance can be compared with the dog depicted in a mural in a Goguryeo tomb that reflects the ancient world's thought and stone figures excavated from the tomb of King Muryeong of Baekje, and it is also consistent with the meaning of the JINMYOSU protecting the ancient tombs. This suggests that a multifaceted study on animal fluid burial remains is needed in the future.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.174-197
• /
• 2024

Personal ornaments made from precious metals that have been excavated from tombs dating to the Maripgan period (4th-6th century) of the Silla Kingdom are a major subject of analysis in the study of gender and hierarchy among the tomb occupants. Nonetheless, bracelets had been neglected until Ha Daeryong's recent research on determining gender through bracelets attracted attention. Accordingly, an examination and organization of the fundamental elements of Silla bracelets was needed. In response, this paper examines their physical characteristics, appearance, changes over time, and related wearing practices. The data for this study is derived from 176 bracelets, mostly made from silver or gold. Copper and glass bracelets are also included. Many of them were cast in a single-use earthen mold. Even the notched and protruding designs were created by casting rather than carving. Glass bracelets and bracelets with dragon designs were made using molds with round cavities. Excluding those produced using metal sheets, the rest of the bracelets are thought to have been cast in a mold with a long-string-shaped cavity and then bent round. After being bent, the two ends were either soldered together (closed type) or left open (open type). As demonstrated in the study by Lee Hansang, Silla bracelets evolved from plain rounded rod-shaped bracelets, such as the one excavated from the Northern Mound of Hwangnamdaechong Tomb, to versions with notched designs, and eventually to those with protruding designs, which gained popularity by the sixth century. The precedents of plain rounded rod-shaped bracelets are presumed to have been thin rod-shaped bracelets from the Proto-Three Kingdoms period. Bracelets need to be fit to the wrists so that they do not slip off easily when worn. The open type design was the preferable way to achieve this. Moreover, given the ductility of gold, silver, and copper, it seems that it would have been possible to stretch or deform them. In the end, I concluded that even if a bracelet is too small to pass man's hand, the open type could have been worn. Furthermore, if a closed-type bracelet were pressed into an oval shape, it would not be impossible for a man to put it on. When bracelets are divided according to their degree of deformability into type A (the open type) through type D, which is almost impossible to deform, type A is commonly found with wearers of thin hollow earrings, and types C and D (which are difficult to deform) are not found with wearers of thin hollow earrings, but only with wearers of thick hollow earrings. Therefore, it can be seen that men were allowed to wear bracelets, and the existing studies that differentiate between men and women based on the wearing of thin hollow earrings, thick hollow earrings, and swords remain valid.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.96-119
• /
• 2024

Some inscribed bricks excavated from the western region of North Korea have been found bearing an era name used after 314 when the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies had been completely ousted from the region. Others have been found with an era name used in the early fifth century. This indicates that the tradition of constructing brick chamber tombs was sustained for a century after the disappearance of the two commanderies. However, brick chamber tombs were never adopted as a burial system for the ruling class of the Goguryeo Kingdom. The Tomb of Jang Mui built in 348 and the Tomb of Dongni built in 353 both departed from the typical brick chamber tomb style of the region, and elements associated with stone chamber tombs were added to them. The Tomb of Dongsu (Anak Tomb No. 3), which is similar to the other two tombs in that its occupant is of Chinese descent, was constructed in 357 not as a brick chamber tomb, but as an earthen mound tomb with a stone chamber. Still, the continuation of brick chamber tomb tradition in the next half century has been somewhat puzzling. Although dated inscribed bricks have served as important evidence for understanding the continuation of the brick chamber tomb tradition, there has been a problem of continually repeating previous studies. It has also been pointed out that there was an error in the interpretation of era names in some of the dated inscribed bricks that had been believed to have been produced in or after 357. For example, "second year of Taean" (Taian in Chinese), which had been understood to correspond to 386 (during the Former Qin Dynasty), in fact refers to 303 (during the reign of Emperor Hui of the Western Jin Dynasty). In the case of "first year of Geonsi" (Jianshi in Chinese), which had been believed to indicate 407 (during the Later Yan Dynasty), it actually refers to 301. "Geonsi" is the era name used during the period when Sima Yun ousted Emperor Hui of the Western Jin Dynasty and briefly occupied imperial throne. Outside these two cases, the remaining dated inscribed bricks thought to have been produced in or after 357 are those dated to the "third year of Wonheung" (Yuanxing in Chinese). However, a reexamination of these bricks reveals that what is really "Yeongheung" (Yongxing in Chinese) has been misread as "Wonheung." The third year of Yeongheung corresponds to either 306 during the Western Jin Dynasty or 352 during the Later Zhao Dynasty, but it is highly probable that it refers to 306. This means that there is no conclusive evidence to support the hypothesis that brick chamber tombs were built in the area until the late fourth century and even into the early fifth. Accordingly, the Tombs of Jang Mui and Dongni should be viewed as the latest known brick chamber tombs to be constructed in the western region of North Korea. Moreover, brick chamber tombs appear to have been no longer built in the area around the time when the Tomb of Dongsu was constructed. These speculations accord with the historical circumstances of the time.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.36-73
• /
• 2024

The Tomb of Jang Mui located in Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae-do Province has attracted much attention since its first investigation due to the inscribed bricks found there that have allowed the guessing of the name and official title of its occupant and construction date. Inscriptions on these bricks, such as the "Prefect of Daebang Commandery Jang Mui" and the "Mu" (戊, the fifth sign of the Chinese calendar), and "Sin" (申, the ninth sign of the Chinese zodiac), have become the basis for believing the location of the government office of Daebang Commandery to be in Bongsangun, Hwanghae-do Province rather than somewhere in the Hangang River region. From the early days of its investigation, the tomb was suggested as historic remains of the Daebang Commandery along with the Earthen Fortress in Jitap-ri. Inscribed bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui were featured in several books and articles in the form of photographs and rubbings, leading to a vast body of studies on its construction period and the characteristics of its occupant that drew upon interpretations of the inscriptions. However, the inscribed bricks themselves were not publicly available outside those held in the collection of the University of Tokyo, making it difficult to expect consistent research findings on the types of inscribed bricks and their contents. Following previous studies re-examining the structure of the tomb and the materials used for its construction, most scholars dated the Tomb of Jang Mui to 348, a period after the collapse of Daebang Commandery. However, there is still a lack of adequate examination of the bricks, which account for the majority of the artifacts excavated from the tomb. Among the bricks excavated from most brick chamber tombs, including the Tomb of Jang Mui, only those with inscriptions or designs have been collected. Moreover, among these, only those with inscriptions or designs on the stretcher faces have been documented. Accordingly, the bricks themselves have been notably understudied. This paper intends to reorganize the contents of the inscriptions on eleven types (out of sixty-one pieces) of bricks in the collection of the National Museum of Korea, which make up the majority of the bricks excavated from the Tomb of Jang Mui. It also classified them according to their shapes. Furthermore, it examined the bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui as architectural materials by focusing on their production techniques, including their forming, drying, and firing. Taking a more specific approach, it then compared the results to other bricks from the second century through the fourth century: those from the brick chamber tombs of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies and those from the brick chamber tombs built after Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies were ousted. The examination of bricks from the Tomb of Jang Mui has revealed that these bricks were basically produced using the brick manufacturing techniques of Nangnang, but they incorporated new elements found in bricks from brick chamber tombs or brick-and-stone chamber tombs constructed around the mid-fourth century in terms of their size, the use of lime, and the number of inscribed bricks. This supports the prevailing view that the date of the construction of the Tomb of Jang Mui is 348. The Tomb of Jang Mui sustained the existing brick chamber tomb burial tradition, but its ceiling was finished with stone. It demonstrates a blending of the brick chamber tomb practice of the Nangnang and Daebang Commanderies by using bricks produced based on related techniques, but with new elements such as the addition of a lime layer to the bricks. This fusion reflects the political circumstances of its time, such as the expulsion of the Daebang Commandery and the advance of the Goguryeo Kingdom, leading to diverse interpretations. Given archaeological evidence such as the structure, materials, and location of the tomb, the Tomb of Jang Mui appears to be highly related to the Goguryeo Kingdom. However, the forms of the inscribed bricks and the contents of the inscriptions share similarities with brick chamber tombs constructed during the third and fourth centuries in the Jiangsu and Zhejiang regions in China. Further studies on whether the use of lime was an influence from Goguryeo or a continuation of the Daebang tradition and a comparative examination with contemporaneous stone ceiling tombs will provide a more refined understanding of the Tomb of Jang Mui.