• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.273-302
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• 2006

The introduction of cash payments for care is a distinct trend that characterizes changes in care policies since the 1990s. Recently, many developed countries have newly introduced or extended cash payments for care that allow care users to be able to plan themselves for their cares instead of receiving direct care services from the state. Cash payments for care can be said to be one of the alternative policies by which user choices are extended, and it becomes possible to establish demand-cantered care delivery systems more economically and effectively, hence addressing the issue of the financial limitations and rigid systems that are common in modern welfare states, which make it difficult to response to various needs. However, the design and administration of cash for care vary across different countries. Such variations of cash for care policies influence on the combination of consumerism (based on liberal market values intrinsic in the care market) and citizenship based on social solidarity. Those variations eventually produce impacts on the balance of responsibilities and the roles of families, the state and market regarding care in other words, balancing of welfare pluralism. This paper has attempted to find general meanings and particularity of cash for care polices in modem welfare states by means of looking at the characteristics of cash for care policies of four different countries (Netherlands, France, Germany and Italy) and their impacts on their care market. If the four countries are ranked by the degree that they emphasize citizenship in light with social rights, the Netherlands, France, Germany and Italy could be placed in due order. From an economic point of view and in terms of cost containment, those countries will be placed in an inverse order, It is apparent that in the course of planting cash for care policies in the existing social systems involving different socio-cultural conditions and labour markets, sometimes more emphasis is placed on the citizenship of care users, family carers and care providers than on cost containment issue, and sometimes vice versa. Behind this lies the process of different social valuation on what care is about; who can better deliver care; who should be responsible for care; how responsibilities should be shared and so on.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.23
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• pp.227-256
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• 2010

This paper has two aims (1) to address the common European past by way of considering the development of the official archives of the European Union; and (2) to give specific attention to the activities of archivists in Germany. The EU archives contain the all the documents officially recording the common history of European integration from the establishment of the European Coal and Steel Community in 1951. It was at the beginning of the 1980s, thirty years after the production of these documents, however, that the Archives of the European Community (EC) began to be systematized for public use when the European University Institute in Florence in Italy was chosen as the deposit location for the archive. After the coming into effect of the Maastricht Treaty in 1993, the EC Archives were renamed as the EU Archives. Through the cooperation of the national archives of the each Member State of the EU with this EC Archives common norms regarding deposit were developed. This archives is a veritable gold mine for serious research into all and any official aspect of the institutional and policy history of today's EU, so for the formation of common European identity. The denazification process using the evidence of the archives contributed to the orientation of the New Germany towards Europe. The German archives then have been contributing to the redressing the past to a significant degree since after the Second World War. More recently, the establishment of the "Memory, Responsibility, and Future" Foundation in 2000 in Germany made possible cooperations with the archives of the East European countries and especially for the purpose of the providing evidence about former enforced workers under the Nazi regime. There has thus been developed European-wide networks among archives. These developments have furthered the common redressing of the European past and this process in turn has been contributing the enhancing the European spirit and identity. The thesis of this paper then is that historical research based on the EU archives and individual Member States can not only illuminate in great detail the stages of the history of European integration to date. The dissemination of such research can itself contribute to the process of the spreading of supranational ideas beyond Europe to other regions of the world.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.141
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• pp.43-62
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• 2017

The main purpose of this paper is to survey the debates between Searle and Smith over the problem of "freestanding Y terms" in Searle's conception of social reality, and offer a viable solution, drawing on the experientialist conception of symbolic experience. Smith raises the problem of "freestanding Y term" against Searle's formula "X counts as Y in C" that there may be some cases where we cannot identify an X term to which an Y term refers. In case of an abstract concept such as equity, we may not find exactly what it stands for. That is, we cannot identify exactly what(X term) counts as equity. If there is nothing like an X for Y term, we can regard anything as equity, which may disrupt Searle's formula. Understandably, Smith does not say that the problem dismantles Searle's whole conception of social reality. Instead, Smith intends to show that Searle's formula is neither complete nor specific enough. Apparently, Searle admits that there may be freestanding Y terms and tries to articulate it within his formula, which does not seem to work. I suggest that the experientialist account of symbolic experience may serve to dissolve Smith's challenge, without modifying Searle's original formula. According to the experientialist conception of symbolization, we symbolically map some portion of our experience onto a physical object, which serves as a signifier, and we then understand and experience the signifier "in terms of" the mapped portion of experience. Thus, we experience certain buildings and some relevant people, say students, staffs, and professors in terms of "university." The status functions of university have been created by means of symbolic mappings, which change the way we understand and experience the buildings and people. In this picture, there need not be any notions such as "one-to-one correspondence" between X terms and Y terms. In this way, Searle may maintain his original formula, while dissolving, not answering, Smith's challenge. What Searle needs is a more appropriate theory of symbolization, part of which has been articulated by the experientialist account of symbolic experience.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.82-100
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• 2022

With the crisis of the COVID-19 pandemic and the era of the 4th industrial revolution, archaeological heritage education has entered a new phase. This article responds to the trends in the post-COVID-19 era, seeking ways to develop archaeological heritage education and sustainable strategies necessary in the era of the 4th industrial revolution. The program of archaeological heritage education required in the era of the 4th industrial revolution must cultivate creative talent, solve problems, and improve self-efficacy. It should also draw attention to archaeological heritage maker education. Such maker education should be delivered based on constructivism and be designed by setting specific learning goals in consideration of various age-specific characteristics. Moreover, various ICT-based contents applying VR, AR, cloud, and drone imaging technologies should be developed and expanded, and, above all, ontact digital education(real-time virtual learning) should seek ways to revitalize communities capable of interactive communication in non-face-to-face situations. The development of such ancient heritage content needs to add AI functions that consider learners' interests, learning abilities, and learning purposes while producing various convergent contents from the standpoint of "cultural collage." Online archaeological heritage content education should be delivered following prior learning or with supplementary learning in consideration of motivation or field learning to access the real thing in the future. Ultimately, archaeological ontact education will be delivered using cutting-edge technologies that reflect the current trends. In conjunction with this, continuous efforts are needed for constructive learning that enables discovery and question-exploration.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.221-254
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• 2020

This paper finds a solution in the social context which cannot be explained thoroughly by well-timed release date, revival of comedy films, and the attraction of Lee Byeong-heon's comedy etc. while it throws question of how the film, Extreme Job captivated 16 million audience. The incredible hits of Extreme Job cannot be explained by analyzing the text alone. After this essay investigates a function and a role of comedy as a public sphere, it examines people's desires and wishes in the comedy and other genres since 2008 when the conservative government has seized power. Since 2008 a series of dark tone's action thriller, social problem film, and disaster film have emerged, these genres showed absence of public security, crisis of democracy and criticism against rulling class. On the other hand, hit comedy films have showed escapism such as weepie, nostalgia, and fantasy at the same time, generally. Although Veteran (2015) is not full-blown comedy, after this film's big success, "comic mode" has gradually revived. A light tone's films which are truer to genre rules has started representing the wishes of people toward social reforms and changes. Meanwhile, "Candlelight Protest" served as a momentum to recover the democracy which has been in crisis, but it could not lead changes in economic and daily lives. Exreme Job can be read as a question how we will survive since "Candlight Protest." The lives of detectives as self-employed workers who has taken over a fried chicken restaurant for going undercover are appearances of ordinary persons who must survive in the edless conpetition. Furthermore, this film shows a dream of a "great success myth" which becomes well-known as a famous restaurant and a self-management such as brand-naming and an exapansion of franchise business. We can read ganster's chicken franchises as a huge distribution industry which disturbs market system by delivering drugs secretly. While applauses that we give to the police having identities of self-employed workers which sweeps the ganster are giving support to oridinary neighborhood like us, they are also wishes of people who long for the restoration of publicness of police in the market which is becoming increasingly privatized today. A significance of this essay is to examine Extreme Job in terms of the geography of film genres and the revival of comic mode sicne 2008 at the macro level, and is to read the film in the perspective of the problems of economic and daily lives which has been still unsolved since "Candlelight Protest" at the micro level.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.95-124
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• 2021

As the symbolic images of girls besides its definition have varied according to the age and society, a posthuman girl character recently appears in the digital cinema. This study aims to analyze its cinematic representations and the social contexts in which they are created. For this purpose, the study focuses on what extent the society allows its imagined figurations as a future female body and the meanings revolving around the image of 'technologically body-enhanced female fighter'. Current digital visualization technology has developed to the extent any imaged future humans can be represented, but posthuman girls' representations have its limitation that only a human-like figuration can be allowed in accord with the traditionally idolized image of girls. It is because of the representation logic in which digital cinema is visualized based on perceptual realism that values audiences' experiences. Despite such less critical figuration which does not dare to cross the boundary between the image of human and inhuman, the posthuman girl characters create a new category of the 'dangerous girls' who are both void of sexual femininity and independent of motherhood and heterosexual romance narrative. Of course, they support the modern human-centered belief that humans can take entire control of technology with their moral behaviors and dispel the fear about the negative impact the nature of technology may have on society at large by showing their child-like figuration protecting ethical values. However, the new character of 'unruly girl' exerts her subversive act that seeks to fight against the human-centered liberal humanistic values and melancholic feeling and vulnerability that the neoliberalism and technocracy enforce. When posthuman girl characters are considered to be a marker through which we can see how different social forces are intervening and competing each other in the upcoming posthuman age, the limited figuration of the posthuman girl characters in South Korean movies illustrates the opinionated thoughts toward the instrumentalism in technology but their bloodshed struggles reveal how the corporate or state-governed techno-biopower has oppressively treated and appropriated the human body as the technology-object and also provide a meaningful opportunity to rethink its unethical violence.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.73-109
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• 2010

The cultural pluralism on which more and more emphasis is put in the globalized cultural environment, takes local identity as a crucial index for the cultural exchange on the global level, but at the same time it results in transforming individual regions/places into a homogeneous space, as it forces the local identity itself to fit into the standardized global perspective. In this context I focus on two art projects that are related to 'Dongducheon', a town that houses the U. S. Second Infantry Division. These projects attract specific attention due to the fact that Dongducheon is a significant place with very 'thick' cultural identity: it reveals that modernization in Korea took place in intersection of nationalism, patriarchy and gender/sexuality postcolonial (military) culture. With these two Dongducheon related art projects (Donglyung Kim) and (Eunyoung Jeong) as excellent examples of site-specific art practice, this paper asks what it means to keep the historicity of disappearing local space/place in the global era. And how is it possible to 'represent' an extremely gendered/sexualized place like Dongducheon. This should be examined from a postcolonial feminist perspective. Since emancipation from Japanese occupation Dongducheon has been an island or an outside space in the nation-state Korea. This becomes more complicated, as now mostly women from the Philippines or former Soviet countries are working in the nightclubs in Doungducheon. and are feminist activist experiments to make the place with its residents to be seen and heard in proper a way of mourning, recognition and communication. shows the 'new' kijich'on women as those who are daring to be on an 'Odyssey' for a better life as they run everyday life in Dongducheon, working in clubs, doing laundry, bearing children, going to mass; tries to help them to be heard and felt, while it gathers sounds on the street or at mass and shows the doors or narrow alleys which lead to the their rooms. It aims to mourn the dead kijich'on women and to represent the precarious life of the present migrant kijich'on women, as it shows no faces.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.