• Land and Housing Review
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.49-60
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• 2015

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un decided to open 19 Economic Development Zones which are located in all over the country, as a new economic development strategy. The strategy is estimated for accepting change from socialistic planning economic system into socialistic market economic system gradually. South Korean government is busy preparing for reunification between South and North Korea. Recently, many forums and seminars for the issue, 'reunification' are held by public side as well as private sector. This study is focused on making practical strategy for developing 13 Economic Development Zones which were established in 2013 in concurrence with South and North Korea. The study assessed investment potential of the 13 zones in terms of locational, economic and legal competency from the investor's perspective of south koreans. 5 E.D.Zs, Songrim, Hyungdong, Heungnam, Chungjin, Waudo were chosen to be developed on the preferential basis. Development cooperation between South and North Korea on the 13 E.D.Zs will increase the income of north koreans in rural areas by creating jobs, contribute to boost North Korea's economic growth, and bring forward economic integration between South and North Korea.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.147-156
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is provide appropriate arms control measures between South and North Koreas by comparing and analyzing the former proposals and agreements in the past and the current Moon Government's approach representing the 9.19 military agreement. For this, I established the most appropriate framework for analysis through comparing and analyzing the arms control theories. The policies of the past governments and of the current Moon Jae-in government are analyzed. The most highlighted characteristic was that the arms control policies were projected by not from the military confidence, but political confidence building measures or both concurrently. In conclusion, I suggested the strategies of projecting confidence building measures and arms control or disarmament in the process of projecting the peace settlement. Nonetheless, the most important point is that the policies of arms control and unification should be pushed ahead complementally.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.71-96
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• 2017

This study speculates on responses to the nuclear threats of North Korea and mutual assistance and cooperation between South Korea, the U.S. and China for the unification of the Korean Peninsula. As for the North Koreas nuclear issue and unification of the Korean Peninsula, South Korea is the subject of national division, the U.S. is a responsible country in international issues and does not have diplomatic ties with North Korea. China is a traditional socialist nation and a supporter of North Korea. As North Korea's strategic weapons including nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles are international issues, to defend against Kim Jung-Eun's unexpected acts, the three countries should actively cooperate with each other and develop countermeasures. However, with respect to the road map of the North Koreas issue, there are subtle differences between the U.S. and China in recognition of and sanctions against North Korea as a resolution of the U..N. Security Council. The U.S. has continued a deterrence policy and sanctions against North Korea based on joint threats between South Korea and the U.S. while China has showed a negative position in the process of solving the North Korean nuclear issue because of the unstable security derived from the U.S. 's intervention in the Korean peninsula. North Korea should change its diplomatic policy in a more concrete way towards world peace although it has continued trade of strategic weapons with Middle Eastern countries to maintain its political system. For example, to restart the summit talks and open multilateral security channels. Although the issue of unification of the Korean peninsula should be resolved by South and North Korea themselves, it is strange that South and North Korea depend on the logic of powerful countries for the resolution of a national problem. As for North Koreas nuclear and the Unification issues, peaceful solutions presented by South Korea seem more persuasive than the solution presented by North Korea which did not secure any international support. However, South Korea, the U.S. and China need to develop uni-directional two-tract strategies for sanctions against North Korea and talks with North Korea for peace on the Korean peninsula, and should continue to support the economic independence of North Korea.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.5-52
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• 2016

Several criticisms notwithstanding, the major political parties in South Korea seem to have developed relatively coherent 'collective identities' with regard to the unification question between South and North Korea. A comparative analysis in this paper reveals a certain pattern of convergence and divergence in unification policies among major parties. First, diachronically, the two major political parties in the history of South Korea, which I call for simplicity "conservative parties" and "democratic parties" respectively, have converged into allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea since President Park Chung-hee's proclamation of peaceful unification plan in 1970. The governments of conservative parties since then promoted allelosubjective relations between South and North Korea, which the governments of democratic parties succeeded and developed into a partial integration policy. Though the succeeding governments of conservative parties of Lee Myung-bak and Park Geun-hye seem to have stepped back from the allelosubjective attitudes, seemingly they have not yet withdrawn to the monosubjective stance before 1970. Next, synchronically, an analysis of the platforms of major parties and their campaign promises in the 20th general election in 2016 reveals converging and diverging points in their unification policies. All the major parties show relatively allelosubjective attitudes towards North Korea, with significant differences. "Saenuri Party," the current conservative party, maintains quite bit of monosubjective attitudes towards North Korea and requires unilateral changes of North Korea in the process of unification. "Justice Party," the minor progressive party, is the most allelosubjective in that it presupposes the co-existence and mutual survival of the two Koreas in unification. In between lie "The Minjoo Party of Korea" and "The People's Party", the two parties separated in the democratic party bloc.

• Plant Journal
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.37-41
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• 2020

Lately old LNG carriers increased and ship price is getting down. So Interest for reuse and modification of used LNG carriers is growing. Also the needs for replacement of old power plant is increasing. Additionally eco friendly fuel such as LNG become attractive. Consequently gas power plant is getting much more popular than before. So in this research planning, we consider the floating power plant by modifying LNG carriers. This plant has the various function including storage, power plant and bunkering fuction etc. Through this multifunctional plant, we are ready for the old power plant shutdown and energy crisis in the future when we can supply the urgent mobile floating power plant quickly in time.

• New & Renewable Energy
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• v.1 no.3 s.3
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• pp.24-34
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• 2005

Ministry of Commerce, Industry [MOCIE] has taken it into consideration to introduce a Renewable Portfolio Standard (RPS) that is a purchase obligation program as an alternative plan to the FIT. We conducted a survey of renewable energy companies and experts to ask their opinions about renewable energy policy, the introduction of the RPS, and the scheme for aid of North Korea with renewable energy. Korean renewable energy companies show an impartial opinion about a FIT and a RPS system overall, although they tend to have distinctive opinions by technology each other. With respect to eligible resources for a RPS, the industries want to extend the scope of it as broad as possible. In addition, experts prefer the multi-tiered and energy production based RPS to the sing1e-tiered and installed capacity based RPS. We also conducted a surrey to find the best renewable energy sources. Wind, Geothermal, Solar-thermal, and Photovoltaic were selected to have the best potential capacities to support North Korea by renewable energy experts. However, these energy resources also have several problems to overcome in the aid of North Korea, and thus, the plans for solving them and for giving efficient support to North Korea in the area of Renewable Energy are discussed.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.8
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• pp.184-200
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• 2021

This study proposes to secure the necessity and possibility of creating a footwear-only district utilizing the Kaesong Industrial Complex, a special economic zone in the North Korea. This is a policy proposal to explore strategic values for revitalizing the Korean footwear industry through a win-win cooperation model between the South and North Korea. With SWOT-AHP analysis method, we are planning to establish a strategy to utilize the footwear-only complex in Kaesong Industrial Complex for sustainability of the footwear industry. It presents a direction to overcome the industrial structural problems that the domestic footwear industry is facing with the aspect of the possibility of inter-Korea cooperation. As a result of the analysis, the 'SO strategy' is a proposal to establish inter-Korea cooperation K-shoe belt through footwear clusters in the two Koreas. The 'WO strategy' is an internationalization strategy of the Kaesong footwear-only complex. The 'ST strategy' is the use of flexible governance in the creation of a footwear-only complex for the relief of sanctions against North Korea. The 'WT strategy' is a paradigm shift in the perception of the peace economy in the footwear industry of inter-Korea for the re-opening of the Kaesong Industrial Complex.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.6_1
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• pp.75-87
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• 2014

It may be meaningful that analysis of possible continuity and change of North Korea's Kim Jong-un's ruling in its third year. For this analysis, for the application more rational and statistical analysis methods, this study takes advantage of the new years' messages of Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un. In North Korea, the new years' messages are rare enough to give influence to every field of the North Korea's community and the New Year's message performs tutorial role throughout the whole year. The said messages of Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong-un regimes have been researched and comprehensively summarized. The summarized New Year's Message by Kim Il Sung, Kim Jong Il, and Kim Jong Un are separated, compared and analyzed by the regime by presentation method, configured information, and others followed by New Year message's characteristics and implications of each North Korean regime that have been investigated. Based on the results of this analysis of Kim Jong-un era, possibility of its continuation and change is forecasted. Above all, for possible continuation of the ruling, sticking to the governing socialist way and military-first politics are presented. For possible causes of change, such the four factors as partial opening to overcome economic problems, the North Korean nuclear issue, influx of the nature of capitalism, and Kim Jung-un's control weakness have been presented. Such the factors of possible change and continuation of the North Korea Kim Jung-un ruling are expected to work as a combination of factors. The issue of continuation and change of North Korea Kim Jong-un's control is a key point for us to solve the issues between North and South Koreas. In the situation that the whole people of South Korea have a national consensus in the effort of gathering the public opinion, it is a high time that we needed to have much flexibility to actively cope with the North Korean issues.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.222-241
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• 2012

Analysis research was conducted on the 'Chosen Ilbo,' 'Donga Ilbo,' 'Hankyoreh' and 'Kyunghyang Newspaper' on news reporting frame and sources regarding the North Korean population's living and status of their respective conditions throughout South Korean administrations of Kim Dae-jung, Roh Mu-hyuen, and Lee Myung-Bak. Resulting first and second frame analyses showed that the four newspapers showed clear distinctions in their execution and attitude in their reports in accordance to the philosophies of each 'progressive/left-wing newspapers' and 'conservative/right-wing newspapers'. Moreover, the first and second analyses showed that the reports mimicked each individual presidential administration and their political policy regardless of the newspaper's political voice. In terms of the usage of 'anonymous sources,' conservative newspapers were found to use them more frequently than their counterpart, the liberal newspapers. In conclusion to the overall analyses, with the continued tension between the International community and North Korea, the reports of North Korean inhabitant activities are inevitably portrayed in a negative tone in effort to plant a distorted view to the South Korean citizens. Furthermore, this manipulation of the press may affect the credibility of South Korean press in terms of the topic of North Korean culture.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.87-130
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• 2019

This paper aims to analyze the recent progress(current situation) and tasks of arms control in North and South Korea. To this end the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled instruction; recent progress(current situation) of arms control in South and North Korea; constraints and tasks of arms control on the Korean peninsula; and conclusion. One of the most important tasks for the establishment of a peace structure for the coexistence of the Korean people in the 21st century is the realization of military control in order to resolve the acute military confrontation situation and mutual threats. With the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympics, the North-South summit and the subsequent talks for peace and denuclearization on the Korean Peninsula, the North Korea-US summit, and subsequent talks are creating conditions for trust building and arms control between the two Koreas. The military trust between the two Koreas and operational arms control are being achieved through the declaration of the April 27 Panmunjom and the 'Military Agreement for the Implementation of the Panmunjom Declaration.' However, since there are constraints on the control of arms control, such as the persistence of hostility and distrust of the two Koreas, the defense treaty between the two Koreas and neighboring countries, the competition of neighboring countries and the complex interests of the Korean peninsula, Trust Building is important. We should resolve the issue of arms control between the two Koreas, taking into account the trend of international arms control over the internal and external dynamics of the Korean peninsula gradually and carefully, with a vision of long-term unification security.