• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.359-385
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• 2009

The study aims to investige how Soupjin, military training has been changed in early Joseon Dynasty. The conclusions are following these. First, Jin means military marching or attacking the enemy and Jinbeop means how to make Jin or traning but now Jinbeop indicates textbook of Jinbeop rather than practing it. Second, publishing Owijinbeop is completed as a result of continuous series of Jinbeop textbook and Owi systems are built up by military construction reorganization. Third, the total number of articles is 268 from Taejo to Seonjo in early Joseon Dynasty. They are divided into different parts according to kings. Forth, Taejo, Taejong, Munjong, Sejo, Yejong and Jungjong are the kings who take the lead of Jinbeop training directly. Among them Munjong and Sejo are highly considered that they edited and revised Sinjinbeop and tried to unify military organization. Besides Jungjong discussed Jinbeop textbooks which are published by prior kings and even make them be practiced. But after Imjinwaeran, Seonjo accepted the book Gihyosinseo by Cheokgyegwang in China and transformed our Jinbeop for protecting the country. Firth, We found that Hyangmyung and Jintoigyjak had been focused from Sejo to Jungjong. Because in this period Joseon had to find the way to protect the country from north Yeojin, But after Imjinwaeran Seonjo introduced Cheokgyegwang's Jeolgangjinbeop in China because of Japanese attacks.

• Information Systems Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.101-120
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• 2020

This study investigates the effects of privacy psychological characteristics of B2C logistics services users on their willingness to comply with their logistics companies' information protection policy. Using cognitive valence theory as a theoretical framework, this study proposes a research model to examine the relationships between users' logistics security knowledge, privacy trust, privacy risk, privacy concern, and their willingness of information protection policy compliance. To test the proposed model, we conducted a survey from actual users of logistics services and collected valid 151 samples. We analyzed the data using a structural equation modeling software. The empirical results show that logistics security knowledge positively affects privacy trust; privacy concern positively influences privacy risk; privacy trust, privacy risk, and privacy concern positively influence behavioral willingness of compliance. However, logistics security knowledge does not affect behavioral willingness of compliance. The results of the study provide several contributions to the literature of B2C logistics services domain and managerial implications to logistics services companies.

• Information Systems Review
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.99-120
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• 2023

Courier services users' experience of violating privacy affects psychology and behavior of protecting personal privacy. Depending on what privacy infringement experience (PIE) of courier services users, learning about perceived privacy infringement incidents is made, recognition is formed, affection is formed, and behavior is appeared. This paradigm of changing in privacy psychologies of courier services users has an important impact on predicting responses of privacy protective action (PPA). In this study, a theoretical research framework are developed to explain the privacy protective action (PPA) of courier services users by applying attitude theory. Based on this framework, the relationships among past privacy infringement experience (PIE), perceived privacy risk (PPR), privacy concerns (i.e., concerns in unlicensed secondary use (CIUSU), concerns in information error (CIE), concerns in improper access (CIA), and concern in information collection (CIC), and privacy protective action (PPA) are analyzed. In this study, the proposed research model was surveyed by people with experience in using courier services and was analyzed for finding relationships among research variables using structured an equation modeling software, SMART-PLS. The empirical results show the causal relationships among PIE, PPR, privacy concerns (CIUSU, CIE, CIA, and CIC), and PPA. The results of this study provide useful theoretical implications for privacy management research in courier services, and practical implications for the development of courier services business model.

• Journal of Conservation Science
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• v.23
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• pp.25-37
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• 2008

This study focuses on identification of mineralogical and geochemical characteristics and interpretation of raw material sources for prehistoric chlorite beads excavated from Geoseokri site in Boseong and Buntori site in Haenam, Korea. These prehistoric beads consist of three grayish blue ring-shaped beads, one dark green tubular bead and one greenish black tubular bead that show acicular-columnar and fibrous microtexture. The beads are composed of $SiO_2$, $Al_2O_3$, MgO and FeO as majors and a trace amount of $K_2O$, CaO and Na_2O$. Mineral species is mostly chlorite with a small amount of quartz and feldspar. Quantitative analysis indicates that the grayish blue ring-shaped beads and the dark green tubular bead belong to clinochlore and the greenish black tubular bead does to the boundary between clinochlore and sheridantie. Chlorite is a hydrous phyllosilicate mineral and it shows various microtexture of acicular, sheeted, earthy, granular andfibrous shapes. As its hardness is 2, chlorite is easily engraved due to its softness. It has aesthetic worthy as it shows green, black and greenish gray colors and pearly to greasy luster as well. These factors would lead to the extensive use of chloritic beads as ornaments from prehistoric times. Though the mineral sources of the chlorite beads can be found in central western region of Chungnam and Iwon of Hamnam, those areas are too distant from the two relic sites. Instead, chlorite ores commonly occur as altered products in wall rock alteration zone of every hydrothermal deposit. Therefore, it is probable that raw materials of chlorite were supplied from neighboring hydrothermal environment rather than far deposits. The result needs further study to verify raw material provenance interpretation, supply, manufacture and distribution on the basis of archaeological points of view.

• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.333-339
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• 2003

A new mineral, Zn analogue of rancieite (Chimooite), has been discovered at the Dongnam mine, Korea. It occurs as compact subparallel fine­grained flaky or acicular aggregates in the massive manganese oxide ores which were formed by supergene oxidation of rhodochrosite­sulfide ores in the hydrothermal veins trending NS­N25E and cutting the Pungchon limestone of the Cambrian age. The flakes of chimooite are 0.2 mm for the largest one, but usually less than 0.05 mm. The acicular crystals are elongated parallel to and flattened on (001). This mineral shows gradation to rancieite constituting its marginal part, thus both minerals are found in one and the same flake. Color is bluish black, with dull luster and brown streak in globular or massive aggregates. Cleavage is perfect in one direction. The hardness ranges from 2.5 to 4. Under reflected light it is anisotropic and bireflectant. It shows reddish brown internal reflection. Chemical analyses of different parts of both minerals suggest that rancieite and chimooite constitute a continuous solid solution series by cationic substitution. The empirical chemical formula for chimooite has been calculated following the general formula, $R_2_{x}$ M $n^{4+}$$_{9­x}$ $O_{18}$ $.$n$H_2O$ for the 7 $\AA$ phyllomanganate minerals, where x varies from 0.81 to 1.28 in so far studied samples, thus averaging to 1.0. Therefore, the formula of Zn­rancieite is close to the well­known strochiometric formula $_Mn_4^{4+}$ $O_{9}$ $.$4$H_2O$. The mineral has the formula (Z $n_{0.78}$N $a_{0.15}$C $a_{0.08}$M $g_{0.01}$ $K_{0.01}$)(M $n^{4+}$$_{3.98}$F $e^{3+}$$_{0.02}$)$_{4.00}$ $O_{9}$ $.$3.85$H_2O$, thus the ideal formula is (Zn,Ca)M $n^{4+}$$_4$ $O_{9}$ $.$3.85$H_2O$. The mineral has a hexagonal unit ceil with a=2.840 $\AA$ c=7.486 $\AA$ and a : c = 1 : 2.636. The DTA curve shows endothermic peaks at 65, 180, 690 and 102$0^{\circ}C$. The IR absorption spectrum shows absorption bands at 445, 500, 1630 and 3400 c $m^{1}$. The mineral name Chimooite has been named in honour of late Prof, Chi Moo Son of Seoul National University.ity.versity.ity.y.

• Journal of the Mineralogical Society of Korea
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• v.19 no.1 s.47
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• pp.15-29
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• 2006

Synthetic Mn-tourmalines (tsilaisite) were obtained by hydrothermal synthesis under the condition of 2 Kbar, $375{\sim}700^{\circ}C$, and 50 day-run-time with complete substitution of Mg in dravite by Mn (Mn%=0, 25, 50, 75, and 100%). They are all 6 samples containing Mn-tourmaline with some amounts of albite, spessartine, rhodocrosite, phlogopite etc, showing different synthetic condition of temperature and Mn composition. Synthetic Mn-tourmalines are of site deficiency in X-site ($0.53{\sim}0.68$) more than that of natural ones (approx. $0.2{\sim}0.3$) and show Mn cations occupying Y-site less than expected with initial experiments, leading to failure in synthesis of end-member tsilaisite. Rietveld structural refinements reveal that $R_{wp}$ ($R_{p}/R_{exp}$) is in the range of 13.35 and 18.62%, $R_{B}$ and S (CofF) are $4.85{\sim}6.25%$ (S-18: 8.57%), $1.31{\sim}1.59$ (S-18: 1.81), respectively. Unit cell parameters (space group R3m, z=3) are ${\alpha}=15.8994\;{\AA}$ and $c=7.1846\;{\AA}$ in average (S-18: ${\alpha}=15.9491\;{\AA},\;c=7.1773\;{\AA}$). Average bond lengths of and are $2.67{\sim}2.69\;{\AA}$ (S-18: $2.65\;{\AA}$) and $2.00{\sim}2.02\;{\AA}$ (S-18: $1.96\;{\AA}$), respectively. Ditrigonality (${\delta}$) are in the range of 0.022 and 0.031 (S-18: 0.061), indicating degrading symmetry with increase of Mn content.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.157-167
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• 2021

Lead (Pb) is one of the key trace elements, exhibiting a peculiar partitioning behavior into silicate melts in contact with minerals. Partitioning behaviors of Pb between silicate mineral and melt have been known to depend on melt composition and thus, the atomic structures of corresponding silicate liquids. Despite the importance, detailed structural studies of Pb-bearing silicate melts are still lacking due to experimental difficulties. Here, we explored the effect of lead content on the atomic structures, particularly the evolution of silicate networks in Pb-bearing sodium metasilicate ([(PbO)_x(Na₂O)_1-x]·SiO₂) glasses as a model system for trace metal bearing natural silicate melts, using ²⁹Si solid-state nuclear magnetic resonance (NMR) spectroscopy. As the PbO content increases, the ²⁹Si peak widths increase, and the maximum peak positions shift from -76.2, -77.8, -80.3, -81.5, -84.6, to -87.7 ppm with increasing PbO contents of 0, 0.25, 0.5, 0.67, 0.86, and 1, respectively. The ²⁹Si MAS NMR spectra for the glasses were simulated with Gaussian functions for Qⁿ species (SiO₄ tetrahedra with n BOs) for providing quantitative resolution. The simulation results reveal the evolution of each Qⁿ species with varying PbO content. Na-endmember Na₂SiO₃ glass consists of predominant Q² species together with equal proportions of Q¹ and Q³. As Pb replaces Na, the fraction of Q² species tends to decrease, while those for Q¹ and Q³ species increase indicating an increase in disproportionation among Qⁿ species. Simulation results on the ²⁹Si NMR spectrum showed increases in structural disorder and chemical disorder as evidenced by an increase in disproportionation factor with an increase in average cation field strengths of the network modifying cations. Changes in the topological and configurational disorder of the model silicate melt by Pb imply an intrinsic origin of macroscopic properties such as element partitioning behavior.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.116-133
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• 2014

The memorial stones of Sumanotap were known to have been sequentially produced in 1719, 1773, 1874, 1653, 1874. However, after examining the chronological era (年號) and sexagesimal cycle (干支), it was found that the second and fourth memorial stones were both recorded in 1713. The reason why the records of the same period were divided into two is assumed that since the subject to repair was divided into main structure and flagpole of the temple, and it was recorded per each monk in charge and donator. On the fifth tablet of the memorial stone of Sumanotap contains all the names of monks who were in charge of repairing Sumanotap as well as the names of common donators. These people are not verified in detail though, through comparing the Buddhist names on the third memorial stone with Buddhist paintings and painting records, 12 monks were identified to be in the same names. Generally, they were active in Gangwon province, Gyeongsang province, Seoul and Gyeonggi province in the late 19th century and even after the Sumanotap repair, they took up other duties of various temples. The most notable name among the donators recorded in the memorial stones of Sumanotap was Kim Jwageun. He was the donator for the chest of gold and silver that was enshrined in the pagoda in 1874. His name was recorded with Mrs. Yang from Cheongsin and, at that time, was known just as a donator. However, actually, the donator was not Kim Jwageun but his mistress Mrs. Yang who used to be a gisaeng, called Na-hap and was from Naju. Kim Jwageun deceased in 1869 already. It is exceptional that Mrs. Yang who were the mistress of the prime minister Kim Jwageun personally participated in the Buddhist event in which king, queen, mothers of king and queen, noblewoman participated. Besides, the event of Sumanotap repair was carried out by royal family in order to celebrate the hundredth day of the prince, Sunjong and his grandfather, Heungseon Daewongun did not participate for political reason. In this situation, the domination of Mrs. Yang is considered remarkable. Meanwhile, the temples that frequently appeared among the 10 temples recorded in the memorial stone of Sumanotap are Gakhwa-sa temple in Bonghwa-gun, Gyeongsangbuk-do and Bodeok-sa temple in Yeongwolgun, Gangwon-do. Gakhwa-sa temple was a temple where the historical achievements were kept so was under the government's control. Bodeok-sa temple was the buddhist temple praying for the soul of the Danjong buried in the tomb and was managed by the government. Therefore, the face these two temples participated in the Sumanotap repair proves that Sumanotap was repaired by the supports form these two temples and the stature of Sumanotap at that time was as high as the temples where the historical achievements are store or the royal buddhist temples for praying for ancestors' souls.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.