• Journal of the Korean Society of Groundwater Environment
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.129-140
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• 1998

In this study two sites were selected to investigate groundwater contamination and spatial relationship between pollution level and its source. One is the Asan area, agricultural district where pollution sources are scattered. The other is the Gurogu area of Seoul city, industrial district where industrial complex and residential areas are located. Groundwater samples collected from these districts were analysis for chemical constituents. The attribute value files of the chemical constituents of groundwater and the spatial layers have been constructed and the pollution properties have been investigated to find out spatial relationships between the groundwater constituents and pollution sources using CIS. Relatively high contents of Si and HCO$_3$ in groundwater from the Asan area reflect the effect of water-rock interaction, whereas high contents of Cl, NO$_3$, SO$_4$and Ca in groundwater from the Gurogu area are due to the pollution of various sources. Pollution over the critical level of Korean Dinking Water Standard has been investigated from 15 sampling sites out of 40 in the Asan area, and 33 sampling sites out of 51 in the Gurogu area. There is pollution of NO$_3$, Cl, Fe, Mn, SO$_4$and Zn in groundwater from the Gurogu area, and that of NO$_3$, SO$_4$and Zn in groundwater from the Asan area. Principal pollution in both areas is NO$_3$contamination. Deep groundwater from the Asan area is not contaminated with NO$_3$except for one site and most of shallow groundwater near the potential point sources such as factory and stock farm is contaminated seriously. Groundwater from the Gurogu area has been already polluted seriously considering the fact of contamination of deep groundwater. This study reports a spatial relationship between the pollution level and pollution source using GIS.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.545-552
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• 2009

This study was conducted to provide basic information for development of habitat-based conservation strategies of biological diversity in agricultural ecosystem. The carabid beetle assemblages were examined at four kinds of habitats(levee, dike, forest patch remnants and streamside) from three differently stressed areas located in Paltan-myun, Hwaseong city, Korea: agricultural and forest area(site 1), industrial area(site 2), and residential area(site 3). Pitfall trap samplings were carried out 39 times from November 2000 to November 2002. Our study's findings were that the composition of carabid beetle fauna, dominance species, and pattern of carabid beetle assemblage were different among the habitats. The similarity index was highest between two levees in site 2 and 3, and lowest between hillock in site 2 and streamside in site 3, and that among habitats fragmented by road with high traffic was lower than that among any other habitat types. So, we could know that agricultural land use respectively do an important role in diversity conservation and networking. These findings will be used to establish the land use and management plans in the aspects of conservation of biodiversity.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Bio-Environment Control Conference
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• 1996.05a
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• pp.91-115
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• 1996

In the recent years, protected horticultural facilities have been modernized and glasshouses are also propagating in Korea, even most vegetables production are conducted in the traditional plastic houses covered with, for example, PVC film for just temperature keeping. It would limit the productivity and competitivity of the vegetable production industry without automatization and high quality year round production. A plant factory, aimed to produce vegetables in the limited areas, was initiated in Christensen farm, Denmark in 1957, and widely propagated in some developed countries. As it has the automatized system which enables to keep optimized environment conditions, it will be the best facility for high quality products as well as year round planned production. However, we have not even started the plant factory production. Since the plant factory is requiring lots of resources, besides plant cultivation technologies, such as environment control, automatic engineering and robotics, our approach to the development of plant factories should be minded on Practical Plant Factories considering our current farming practices and least capital needs rather than blindly employing the advanced technologies from developed countries. Thus, Korean plant factory development can be initiated with year round leaf vegetables production in NFT or DFT cultivation system instead of the moval bed system, in which aerial environment factors such as light, temperature, humidity and CO$_2$ concentration and root environment ones such as solution concentration, temperature, pH and water soluble oxygen shall be automatically controlled. And the seeding, seedling and transplanting operations shall be accomplished in the house entrance, and the harvesting and grading opreations shall be conducted in the house exit. For practical plant factories, environment control technologies including artificial light source, illumination and air conditioning, automatic management for nutrient solution and automatic production line of moval bed system, transplanting and harvest should be developed along with researches on the cost reduction of factory building construction.

• Journal of the Korean Association of Geographic Information Studies
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.46-59
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• 2007

Urban infrastructure is a core of urban growth management which concerns with location, time and costs of development. Despite an inevitable link between development density and infrastructure capacity in urban areas, little study have been performed. For this reason, development activities are undergone without any clear evidence or analysis. The main purposes of this paper are to build subject maps of urban infrastructure capacity which illustrate the level of education service and road capacity, and to give reference standard for development decision at given location. For these purposes, the case study of the high-rise multi-purpose buildings in Daegu metropolitan city is performed. The main findings are follows. First, road ratio is high in the CBD and its surrounding areas as well as rural area, and low in areas of manufacturing, parks and military use. Second, educational facility, represented by the number of student per classroom of elementary school, is fairly abundant across the city, especially in the CBD and rural areas. Third, the high-rise multi-purpose buildings have been built in population-losing infrastructure-abundant areas, in general. Based on these results, this study concludes that the high-rise multi-purpose buildings may induce population-inflow and have low possibility to bring about overly dense developments.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.35-50
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• 1997

The purpose of this research seeks to analyze the spatial variations in the sex age structure which have been shown to exist within the study atrea, the Kyonggi province in Korea. In this study it is desired to use the Age Structure Index developed by Coulson in order to describe thi sex age structure of each of 186 tracts that comprise the tracted portion of the Kyonggi province. The mechanics of computing the Age Structure Index are found in the equation describing a linear least squares trend line: y=a+bx. For each census tract, the percentage of the population in each age group(y) was plotted against the middle age of each age group(x). The a is a constant representing the value of y, when x equals zero. The b is the regression coefficient and is a measure of the angle of the slope of the least squares trend line. Thus the value of b is the Age Structure Index for each census tract. The major results of this investigation can be summarized as follows: The spatial distributions of sex age structures in the Kyonggi province are far from random. They have exhibited great regularity with the yonger sex age structures near Seoul and a sharp decline to the older sex age structures out in all derections towards rural region. The results of this investigation should have important general significance for the study of the Kyonggi province Age Structure Index is a flexible, operational definition shich allows sex age structure to be measured, mapped, and incorporated in a wide variety of methods of statistical analysis. Futurer, it has been demonstrated that sex age structure varies spatially within Seoul metropolitan finge and that this variation is relagfed to many other attributes of the population. Especially, Age Structure Index is strongly related to the variables-rate of population growth rate. density, rate of numbers of manufacturing, land price. At the same time, considerably more research is needed before a genmeral body of knowlege concerning sex age structure can be developed.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.4-8
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• 1976

영양지도원(營養指導員)은 자신(自身)이 알고 있는 기술(技術)을 다른 사람에게 전달(傳達)하여 그 사람으로 하여금 지도원(指導員)이 원하는 방향(方向)으로 행동(行動)을 하도록 해야 한다. 따라서 다른 사람을 지도(指導)하려면은 우선 지도원 자신(指導員自身)의 우수한 자질(資質)"이 필요(必要) 하며 이를 위(爲)하여 기술자(技術者)로서의 연마(硏磨)와 겸(兼)하여 인간(人間)의 지도자(指導者)로서의 수양(修養)을 쌓아야 한다. 그리하여 영양개선(營養改善) 의 선도적(先導的) 점화자(點火者)로 "뒤에서 계속 미는" 지원자(支援者)로서의 역할(役割)을 수행(遂行)하여야 한다. (1) 현직능별(現職能別) 영양지도원(營養指導員)의 범위(範圍)를 보건소(保健所)의 보건지도원(保健指導員), 농촌지도소(農村指導所)의 생활지도요원(生活指導要員), 군면(郡面)의 행정지도요원(行政指導要員), 농협(農協)의 부여지도요원(婦女指導要員), 의료계(醫療界)의 의사(醫師), 간호원(看護員), 조산원(助産員), 학교(學校) 교육기관(敎育機關)의 교사(敎師), 영양사(營養士), 영리회사(營利會社)의 사원(社員) 등을 들 수 있다. (2) 지도대상(指導對象)과 그 장소(場所)는 공장(工場), 학교(學校), 훈련장(訓練場), 병원(病院), 복지시설(福祉施設)과 공동취사(共同炊事) 재해시등(災害時等)의 집단급식장(集團給食場)과 이를 이용(利用)하는 對象者(대상자) 도시(都市) 농촌(農村)의 일반가정(一般家庭)의 주민(住民), 그리고 교실(敎室)에서 학교교과목(學校敎科目)을 통(通)한 학생(學生)의 학습(學習) 새마을운동(運動) 공보시설(公報施設)을 통(通)하여 대중(大衆)에게 "지도(指導)를 지도원(指導員)이" 전개(展開)할 수 있다. (3) 지도방법(指導方法)은 일반적(一般的) 학교교육과정(學校敎育過程)의 교육방법(敎育方法)을 적용(適用)하되 교외교육(校外敎育)이라는 점(點)을 잊어서는 안된다. 현실적(現實的)으로 이론(理論)과 경험(經驗)을 병행활용(倂行活用)하며 영양학(營養學)의 연구결과(硏究結果)가 반드시 또 는 곧 가정생활(家庭生活) 개인생활(個人生活)에 적응(適應)되는 것이 아니며, 행동화(行動化)되지 않는 지식(知識)과 기술(技術)은 무용(無用)하게 되므로 "다고 말 할 수 있다. 따라서 영양개선(營養改善)을 지도(指導)하는 지도원(指導員)은 받아들이는 가정(家庭)이나 개인(個人)의 입장(立場)에서 여러 가지 여건을 파악 최대공약수(最大公約數)의 가능치(可能値)를 알아내서 지도(指導)해야 된다. (4) 영양지도(營養指導)는 기술(技術)이 ,포함(包含)되어 있기 때문에 기술(技術)의 전달과정(傳達過程)을 분석(分析)해야 되고 (5) 지도원(指導員) 자신의 무장(武裝)을 위(爲)하여 자신(自身)의 기술지도(技術指導) 방법(方法), 인간지도자(人間指導者)로서의 능력향상(能力向上)을 독서(讀書), 교육(敎育), 훈련(訓練) 을 통(通)하여 배워 기술자(技術者)로서 인간지도자(人間指導者)로서 전달자(傳達者)로 서의 교양(敎養)을 가져야 한다. (6) 지도원(指導員)의 활동성과(活動成果)는 지도원(指導員) 자신의 열의(熱意)와 받아들이는 사람의 열의(熱意)에 의(依)하여 좌우(左右)된다. 즉(卽) 지도원(指導員)의 열의(熱意)${\times}$피지도자(被指導者)의 열의(熱意)=지도성과(指導成果) $[L{\times}P=f(L{\cdot}P)]$로 나타난다. 결론적(結論的)으로 지도원(指導員)은 영양개선(營養改善)의 전문적(專門的) 각 요소(各要素)를 깊이 알고 이것을 다시 종합(綜合)하고 체계화(體系化)할 줄 알며 직능별(職能別) 각 지도원(各指導員)과의 상호(相互) 협조(協助)로 서로 보완(補完)하고 새마을 운동(運動)과 그 직장(職場) 또는 환경(環境)여건에 결부(結付)되고 현실적(現實的)으로 행동화(行動化)할 수 있는 단계적(的) 장단기계획(長短期計劃)과 평가방법(評價方法)을 숙지(熟知)하여 또 지도방법(指導方法)에 필요(必要)한 교재(敎材)를 충실(充實)히 준비하여 자신(自身)의 실력(實力)을 충분(充分)히 발휘할 수 있도록 하여 자기 열의(熱意)를 다하고" 영양개선(營養改善)의 선도적(先導的) 점화자(點火者)로서 "계속 뒤에서 미는" 지원자(支援者)로서 사명(使命)을 다할 때 그 역할(役割)을 다하는 것이다.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.457-479
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• 2013

Through a Chinese rise, Chinese dream is actualizing as the world's great power. According to outlook of World Bank and IMF, Around 2030 China will be a great power bigger than America's economic power. The rise of China will give a huge impact to the whole world. China expands her influence through a global manufacturing base and a global market. To actualize 'Peaceful Rise' Strategy, China has many constraints. Chinese society is facing many difficult social problem due to side effects of a rapid development. Such as the spread of corruption, the severity of wealth gap, environmental degradation and energy shortage. Internationally there are containment from hegemon so-called 'China threat' dispute, Taiwan issue and territorial disputes. Western countries are hostile to China for two reasons. Based on expectations, one is China's socialist system and the other is the rising China which will compete for supremacy with Europe and America. Recent emergence of Chinese nationalism and the containment of the neighboring countries are also serious limiting factors. Domestically they have the rampant corruption in the bureaucracy, weakened capacity of Communist rule, wealth disparity due to the discriminatory economic development strategy, seriousness of rural problem, social instability, lack of social security systems and the development gap between the eastern coastal areas and western inland areas, ethnic minorities problems, the constraint of sustainable development issues due to lack of resources, environmental pollution and energy constraints. Like the former Soviet Union, China may face a dismantlement. After the rise, China may encounter possibilities of a war between great powers or a collapse of Chinese society caused by deepening internal conflict. Serious economic polarization would make peasants and urban workers, who are social vulnerable people, to turn their back to communist party and threaten the justification and the appropriateness of the ruling communist party. Chinese government will think internal system security threat is more formidable risk factor than a system security threat from the hegemon. The decline of great country comes from internal reasons rather than external reasons. To achieve peaceful rise, unification with Taiwan is an essential prerequisite. Taiwan issues are complex problems which equipped with international and domestic factors. Lack of energy resources, environmental pollution in China will bring economic crisis to Korean enterprises. Important influence to Korean economy will be a changeover of the method in economic development. It will turn the balance of investment and consumption, GDP-centered growth to consumption and environment-centered growth. Services industries including finance, environment, culture, education, health care and social welfare will grow. Change in China's growth model will give a great challenge upon the intermediate goods industry in Korea. Korea should reduce the portion of machinery, automotive, semiconductor, steel and chemical-centered export industry to China, and should increase the proportion of the service industry.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.