• Korean Journal of Dental Materials
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• v.45 no.4
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• pp.243-256
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• 2018

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of the anodization and cyclic calcification treatment on the surface characteristic and bioactivity of the titanium thin sheet in order to obtain basic data for the production of bioactive titanium membrane. A $30{\times}20{\times}0.08mm$ titanium sheets were prepared, and then they were pickled for 10 seconds in the solution which was mixed with $HNO_3:HF:H_2O$ in a ratio of 12: 7: 81. The $TiO_2$ nanotube layer was formed to increase the specific surface area of the titanium, and then the cyclic calcification treatment was performed to induce precipitation of hydroxiapatite by improvement of the bioactivity. The corrosion resistance test, wettability test and immersion test in simulated body solution were conducted to investigate the effect of these surface treatments. The nanotubes formed by the anodization treatment have a dense structure in which small diameter tubes are formed between relatively large diameter tubes, and their inside was hollow and the outer walls were coupled to each other. The hydroxyapatite precipitates were well combined on the nanotubes by the penetration into the nanotube layer by successive cyclic calcification treatment, and the precipitation of hydroxyapatite tended to increase proportionally after immersion in simulated body solution as the number of cycles increased. In conclusion, it was confirmed that induction of precipitation of hydroxyapatite by cyclic calcification treatment after forming the nanotube $TiO_2$ nanotube layer on the surface of the titanium membrane can contribute to improvement of bioactivity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.224-243
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• 2014

This study examined the materials and casting technology(cast, alloy, etc.) used in the manufacturing of bronze artifacts based on old literature such as Yongjae Chonghwa, Cheongong Geamul, and The Korea Review. In the casting experiment for restoration of Sangpyong Tongbo, a bronze and brass mother coin mold was made using the sand mold casting method described in The Korea Review. The cast was comprised of the original mold plate frame, wooden frame, and molding sand. Depending on the material of the outer frame, which contains the molding sand, the original mold plate frame can be either a wooden frame or steel frame. For the molding sand, light yellow-colored sand of the Jeonbuk Iri region was used. Next, the composition of the mother alloy used in the restoration of Sangpyong Tongbo was studied. In consideration of the evaporation of tin and lead during actual restoration, the composition of Cu 60%, Zn 30%, and Pb 10% for brass as stated in The Korea Review was modified to Cu 60%, Zn 35%, and Pb 15%. For bronze, based on the composition of Cu 80%, Sn 6%, and Pb 14% used for Haedong Tongbo, the composition was set as Cu 80%, Sn 11%, and Pb 19%. The mother coin mold was restored by first creating a wooden father coin, making a cast from the wooden frame and basic steel frame, alloying, casting, and making a mother coin. Component analysis was conducted on the mother alloy of the restored Sangpyong Tongbo, and its primary and secondary casts. The bronze mother alloy saw a 5% increase in copper and 4% reduction in lead. The brass parent alloy had a 5% increase in copper, but a 4% and 12% decrease in lead and tin respectively. Analysis of the primary and secondary mother coin molds using an energy dispersive spectrometer showed that the bronze mother coin mold had a reduced amount of lead, while the brass mother coin mold had less tin. This can be explained by the evaporation of lead and tin in the melting of the primary mother coin mold. In addition, the ${\alpha}$-phase and lead particles were found in the mother alloy of bronze and brass, as well as the microstructure of the primary and secondary coin molds. Impurities such as Al and Si were observed only in the brass mother coin mold.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.59-70
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• 2011

The purpose of this study is to present raw data to systematically and rationally manage the protected trees located in Changwon-si, Korea. This study investigated about the present condition and the information of location, individual, management, health and soil. The results are as follows. The protected trees were located in 26 spots, and species of trees were 9 taxa; Zelkova serrata, Celtis sinensis, Aphananthe aspera, Ginkgo biloba, Carpinus tschonoskii, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis, Quercus variabilis, Pinus densiflora and Salix glandulosa. In protected tree types, shade trees were the most, and the majority of theirs were 200 years or more in age. The range of altitude was 14~173m, and the number of trees located in flat fields was the most. For location types, village and field and mountain were presented in the order and, in land use, land for building was the most. The range of height was 8.0~30.0m, 0.6~5.1m in crown height, 240~700cm in diameter of breast and 210~800cm in diameter of root. In case of crown area, Zelkova serrata of No.5 was most large. The status boards were mostly installed except No.23 and No.26. The sites with fence were 9 spots, and the site with stonework were 14 spots. The sites with the support beam were 5 spots, and most sites were not covered up with soil. The materials of bottom were soil, gravel and vegetation in the order. The range of withering branch rate was 0~40%, and peeled bark rate was 0~60%. The sites made holes were 23 spots, and the hole size of Aphananthe aspera of No.12 was the largest. The sites disturbed by human trampling were 7 spots, the sites by disease and insects of 2 spots, the sites by injury of 23 spots and the sites by exposed roots of 13 spots. In the results of soil analysis, there showed that acidity was pH 4.5~8.0, organic matter content of 3.5~69.8g/kg, electrical conductivity(EC) of 0.11~2.87dS/m, available $P_2O_5$ of 3.0~490.6mg/kg, exchangeable K of 0.10~1.05cmol+/kg, exchangeable Ca of 1.41~16.45cmol+/kg, exchangeable Mg of 0.37~1.96cmol+/kg, exchangeable Na of 0.25~2.41cmol+/kg and cation exchange capacity(C.E.C) of 8.35~26.55cmol+/kg.

• Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.258-266
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• 2005

Licorice Extract and Erythritol, food additives used in korea, are widely used in foods as sweetener. Its application for use in food is regulated by the standard and specification for food additives but official analytical method far determination of these sweetener in food has not been established. Accordingly, we has been carried out to set up analytical method of the glycyrrhizic acid in several foods by the way of thin layer chromatography and high performance liquid chromatography glycyrrhizic acid is qualitative anaylsis technique consists of clean-up with a sep-pak $C_{18}$ cartridge, separation of the sweeteners by Silica gel 60 F254 TLC plate using 1-butanol:4Nammonia solution:ethanol (50:20:10) as mobile solvent. Also, the quantitative analysis for glycyrrhizic acid, was performed using Capcell prk $C_{18}$ column at wavelength 254nm and DW:Acetonitrile (62:38 (pH2.5)) as mobile phase. and we has been carried out to set up analytical method of the erythritol in several foods by the way of high performance liquid chromatography. erythritol is qualitative anaylsis technique consists of clean-up with a DW and hexane. The quantitative analysis for erythritol, was performed using Asahipak NH2P-50 column, Rl and DW:Acetonitrile (25:75) as mobile phase. The glycyrrhizic acid results determined as glycyrrhizic acid in 105 items were as follows; N.D$\∼$48.7ppm for 18 items in soy sauce, N.D$\∼$5.3ppm for 12 items in sauce, N.D$\∼$988.93ppm for 15 items in health food, N.D$\∼$180.7ppm for 26 items in beverages, N.D$\∼$2.6ppm for 8 items in alcoholic beverages repectively and ND for 63 items in the ethers. The erythritol results determined as erythritol in 52 items were as follows; N.D$\∼$155.6ppm for 13 items in gm, N.D$\∼$398.1ppm for 12 items in health foods repectively and ND for 45 items in the others.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Fisheries and Ocean Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-18
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• 1973

For regulating the depth of midwater trawl nets towed at the optimum constant speed, the changes in the shape of warps caused by adding a weight on an arbitrary point of the warp of catenary shape is studied. The shape of a warp may be approximated by a catenary. The resultant inferences under this assumption were experimented. Accordingly feasibilities for the application of the result of this study to the midwater trawl nets were also discussed. A series of experiments for basic midwater trawl gear models in water tank and a couple of experiments of a commercial scale gears at sea which involve the properly designed depth control devices having a variable attitude horizontal wing were carried out. The results are summarized as follows: 1. According to the dimension analysis the depth y of a midwater trawl net is introduced by $$y=kLf(\frac{W_r}{R_r},\;\frac{W_o}{R_o},\;\frac{W_n}{R_n})$$) where k is a constant, L the warp length, f the function, and $W_r,\;W_o$ and $W_n$ the apparent weights of warp, otter board and the net, respectively, 2. When a boat is towing a body of apparent weight $W_n$ and its drag $D_n$ by means of a warp whose length L and apparent weight $W_r$ per unit length, the depth y of the body is given by the following equation, provided that the shape of a warp is a catenary and drag of the warp is neglected in comparison with the drag of the body: $$y=\frac{1}{W_r}\{\sqrt{{D_n^2}+{(W_n+W_rL)^2}}-\sqrt{{D_n^2+W_n}^2\}$$ 3. The changes ${\Delta}y$ of the depth of the midwater trawl net caused by changing the warp length or adding a weight ${\Delta}W_n$_n to the net, are given by the following equations: $${\Delta}y{\approx}\frac{W_n+W_{r}L}{\sqrt{D_n^2+(W_n+W_{r}L)^2}}{\Delta}L$$ $${\Delta}y{\approx}\frac{1}{W_r}\{\frac{W_n+W_rL}{\sqrt{D_n^2+(W_n+W_{r}L)^2}}-{\frac{W_n}{\sqrt{D_n^2+W_n^2}}\}{\Delta}W_n$$ 4. A change ${\Delta}y$ of the depth of the midwater trawl net by adding a weight $W_s$ to an arbitrary point of the warp takes an equation of the form $${\Delta}y=\frac{1}{W_r}\{(T_{ur}'-T_{ur})-T_u'-T_u)\}$$ Where $$T_{ur}^l=\sqrt{T_u^2+(W_s+W_{r}L)^2+2T_u(W_s+W_{r}L)sin{\theta}_u$$ $$T_{ur}=\sqrt{T_u^2+(W_{r}L)^2+2T_uW_{r}L\;sin{\theta}_u$$ $$T_{u}^l=\sqrt{T_u^2+W_s^2+2T_uW_{s}\;sin{\theta}_u$$ and $T_u$ represents the tension at the point on the warp, ${\theta}_u$ the angle between the direction of $T_u$ and horizontal axis, $T_u^2$ the tension at that point when a weights $W_s$ adds to the point where $T_u$ is acted on. 5. If otter boards were constructed lighter and adequate weights were added at their bottom to stabilize them, even they were the same shapes as those of bottom trawls, they were definitely applicable to the midwater trawl gears as the result of the experiments. 6. As the results of water tank tests the relationship between net height of H cm velocity of v m/sec, and that between hydrodynamic resistance of R kg and the velocity of a model net as shown in figure 6 are respectively given by $$H=8+\frac{10}{0.4+v}$$ $$R=3+9v^2$$ 7. It was found that the cross-wing type depth control devices were more stable in operation than that of the H-wing type as the results of the experiments at sea. 8. The hydrodynamic resistance of the net gear in midwater trawling is so large, and regarded as nearly the drag, that sweeping depth of the gear was very stable in spite of types of the depth control devices. 9. An area of the horizontal wing of the H-wing type depth control device was $1.2{\times}2.4m^2$. A midwater trawl net of 2 ton hydrodynamic resistance was connected to the devices and towed with the velocity of 2.3 kts. Under these conditions the depth change of about 20m of the trawl net was obtained by controlling an angle or attack of $30^{\circ}$.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.