• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.60 no.3
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• pp.5-30
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to propose a practical intervention program for the women who got out of prostitution. For the research we selected the seven women who had ever engaged in prostitution by snowball sampling. Qualitative data were accumulated by in-depth interview and private documents collection. We analyzed the raw data following the Mandelbaum's conceptual frame ; dimension of life, turning point and adaptation. In analysis of the dimension of life, home, religion and occupation were represented as main thems. Home was interpreted as the reconstruction of existential field that assumes their fault and others. Religion was interpreted as the phenomenological field that develops their potentiality and peculiarity. Occupation was interpreted as the restraining means aganist returning to prostitution. In analysis of the turning point, we found a common theme : dis empowering the discourse power by body-politics. In analysis of the adaptation, we found three propositions as fellows: 1) "Living with stigma internalized by themselves" 2) "Living as anonymous being and absconding" 3) Expunging the past disgrace through shifting of social status. Based on the above results we proposed practical approaches for them.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.63
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• pp.167-225
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• 2020

The author conducted a records research named 'daily life and records.' The purpose of the research was to find an archive, if possible, that would be effective in promoting exchange and cooperation among people in their daily lives, and to distinguish what type of archive it would be, as well as how to let it naturally take place in their ordinary lives. For 4 months (August-December 2019) with 100 college students in their 20s, trial and error were repeated. There was no separate laboratory for the research, and it used regular school hours at universities. Although it is true that there was a control through power by the college system, the plot was centered on the sunshine policy. To human being there is a voluntary and positive attitude. If anyone begins to take this attitude it is difficult to stop such action. Through emotional support, this voluntary action was encouraged to take root. The experiment was an attempt to doubt the obvious, and to search for something new. From afar, this may seem irrelevant to archives. However, for the author who is a professional archivist, it was a time of records through control by Records principles. By organizing into a form of story, its archival implications are observed.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.242-272
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• 2014

This study examines why follow-up investigative programs about the sinking of the Cheonan Patrol Combat Corvette(ROKS Cheonan) have not been produced, despite much speculation surrounding the cause of the sinking since November 2010, when KBS investigative program, In-Depth 60 Minutes which had covered the incident was aired. We have uncovered four reasons through a series of in-depth interviews with producers and reporters, as follows. First, Korean military authorities monopolized relevant information, while the producers could not prove or confirm the validity of the findings of the JIG(Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group)'s report because the facts had been revealed partially and selectively by the authorities and the press' scientific investigation were rejected by the authorities. Second, the crew of In-Depth 60 Minutes was subjected to severe disciplinary action by the Korea Communications Commission. This caused a chilling effect, - it broke the producers' resolve to further explore the reason behind the sinking. Furthermore, the screening of the investigative documentary, Project Cheonan Ship was cancelled without prior notice, presumably by the power of the State and markets. Third, the reorganization and shake-up of personnel by broadcasting stations' presidents appointed by the power of the State crushed the spirit of PD Journalism. Finally, the "red purge" factions stigmatized by the political or military, or the mainstream press, caused the producers or broadcasters to engage in self-censorship. The idea has been used in Korea as a smoke screen to deflect public attention. Nevertheless, the producers hope to shed light on the Cheonan sinking incident and to prove reasonable doubts by pursuing follow-up investigations.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.15
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• pp.173-198
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• 2008

As we took a look at above, this researcher suggest following device to extend Korea's private security industry's area. First, it is necessary to extend private investigation law's area grafting private security together. Second, it is necessary it is necessary to think of private security's role related key figure law, corresponding terror law, Presidential Security Service Guard law. Third, as a draft of a proposed law related prevention flowing out of industry techniques among industry security related law, passed, it is necessary private security's diversity, subdivision, composition through an enterprise security, and private security industry area's grafting together. Fourth, a research about private security company's investment and professional area's bringing up as well as business's extension device should be groped for the security consulting though total system management service. Fifth, there are no big difference education course and purpose, duty about a security police man law and security law's unification, so it is necessary to drive forward actively unification through government organization's cooperation. Sixth, a paradigm shift should be occured about private security service among policeman, citizen, and private security guards. Seventh, it is considered the role of security association is important. Lastly about a matter communication between the National Police Agency, and Security Association, not only look at from an authority's angle, collecting information, corresponding ability but now it is considered to grope each other cooperation device together among organizations not only the National Police Agency but also, National Organization, National Intelligence Service, the prosecution, Presidential Security Service Guard, Army etc.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.5
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• pp.667-690
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• 2016

This paper reviews the evolution process of global production network(GPN) discourse, from its origin to the recent theorization, namely GPN 2.0. In so doing, the discursive formation of global production networks is introduced in comparison with a competing discourse global commodity/value chains, with particular attention to conceptual and analytical lacunae in the latter. This article also outlines how the global production network perspective has become a useful discursive and practical tool that allows the examination of the nexus of global economy, transnational corporations, and regional development. Subsequently, a theoretical dearth in the approach is discussed in reference to key critiques, and in this context Yeung and Coe's recent theorization GPN 2.0, which is centered on casual mechanisms and network configurations is reviewed. This paper suggests that the theory adequately addresses the problem of casuality lacking in its precedented conceptual framework, and that it helps exploring the formation and evolution processes of varied production networks(including intrafirm coordination, interfirm control, strategic partnership, and extrafirm bargaining) in connection with competitive dynamics and risky environments. As a result of the theorization, the difference between GPN and the chain approaches has become more apparent, and the idea of extrafirm bargaining is particularly important in the differentiation. Extrafirm bargaining is seen to be a comprehensive networking form inclusive of such GPN 1.0 analytical concepts as value, embeddeness, and power, and research attentive to, and engaging with, the extrafirm networks is expected to help transcending the chain governance approaches' analytical excess of interfirm linkages and industry-centeredness.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.7-40
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• 2004

Today, nuclear energy conflict is caused from the dangerous radioactive material. The main party of this conflict are politic and economic systems which deride nuclear energy, and the persons concerned which it oppose and the anti-nuclear environment group. If the nuclear waste is transported from one nation to another nation, multi national anti-nuclear group appears as conflict party. We call this domestic and transnational risk communication new social movement. From the viewpoint of system theory, the new social movement can mean the offensive development of self-reference which withstand the "technicalization of communication" through the "symbolically generalized communication media" like money and power. By comparing Northeast Asia and Europe, the nuclear energy conflict did not show a big difference in the selection of nuclear waste storing site. In the Northeast Asia, when Taiwan exports the nuclear waste to North Korea, the international conflict broke out. In Europe, Germany has a hard experience with the construction-plan for the re-treating plant that produces the plutonium from the dangerous nuclear waste, and with the transnational transport of the nuclear waste. The new social movement aims the global paradigm which is able to guarantee the subtainability of ecological environment. The nuclear conflict in the "world risk society" is solved through the "discourse-alliance" which accomplishes sub-politics by crossing the border of class, nation and system.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.142
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• pp.265-294
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• 2017

In the early days of human history, the governing groups of rulers needed to justify their rule. The cause of rule became the ruling ideology. In China, the backbone of the ruling ideology was originally referred to as 'Di(帝)' or 'Shangdi(上帝)', who was later replaced by 'Tian(天)', Heaven. So there was a claim that Heaven gave the cause of the rule. This idea is the 'Tianming (天命)' idea. When the Zhou(周) Dynasty took control of the central government, the 'Tianming' idea had had a relatively sophisticated form. It was the 'Zhouli(周禮)' that organized the systematic order of the Zhou Dynasty. After this system collapsed, those who recognized 'Zhouli' as a desirable social system considered the collapse of 'Zhouli' as a situation of turbulent age. It was Qin(秦) State that unified all of the states of the period. However, after the unification, the Qin Dynasty fell sharply. The next dynasty was the Han(漢) Dynasty. The new ruling powers of the Han Dynasty needed to justify their regime. That means that it was necessary to establish the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty. The representative of the ruling ideology of the Han Dynasty was Dongzhongshu, whose thought was based on Confucianism. His thought was related to "Chunqiugongyangzhuan(春秋公羊傳)", an interpretation of "Chunqiu(春秋)". This interpretation perspective is based on the idea of religious Heaven. Dongzhongshu thought that there were co-communions between Heaven and humans. His thought has the meaning of political theology in which rulers hold the basis of the rulers' sovereignty.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.133-158
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• 2018

The role and ratio of national vessels in the global container shipping market have reduced significantly due to the bankruptcy of Hanjin Shipping in early 2017. All import-export companies, as well as container ports in Korea, are facing a crisis. The Trump's tariff and trade battles have had a negative impact on the increase in the North American cargo. However, Chinese and Japanese container shipping companies, which merged with domestic container shipping companies, and mega carriers such as Maersk and CMA CGM have benefited from the decline in shipping supplies due to the collapse of Hanjin Shipping, the world's 10th largest container carrier in Korea. The import/export freight trade in Korea is witnessing the increasing stronghold of foreign carriers. This scenario is expected to weaken Korea's negotiation powers with overseas shipping companies in domestic ports, such as Busan and Kwangyang, thereby making it more challenging to attract shipping carriers. This study compares the global container-shipping network in 2007 and 2017 by combining the network topology of the social network analysis and the economics of the liner shipping connectivity index (LSCI) and the container port connectivity index (CPCI) analysis. The findings of this study are that the role of the ports across the world can be identified, and CPCI has a high correlation with the centrality index and freight volume data. These findings can contribute toward the utilization of the meaning of the necessary centrality index without an additional centrality analysis. This study can be applied not only to the call strategy of container carriers but also to the alliance and development strategy of Korean ports.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.307-344
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• 2010

Cultural Studies built on the critical mind of New Left exposes the relationship between culture and power, and investigates how this relationship develops the cultural convention. It has achieved the new perspective that could make us to think culture and art in terms of political correctness. However, the critical voices against the theoretical premises of Cultural Studies have been increased as its heyday in 1980s was nearly over. For instance, Terry Eagleton, a former Marxist literary critic, declared in 2003 that the golden age of cultural theory is long past. This essay, therefore, intends to show the weak foundations on which the approaches of cultural studies to theatre rest and to clarify the general problem of their introduction to theatre studies. The approach of cultural studies to theatre takes the form of 'top-down inquiry' as it applies a theory to a particular play or historical period. In other word, from the theory the writer moves to the particular case. The result is not an inquiry but rather a demonstration. This circularity can destroy the point of serious intellectual investigation as the theory dictates answers. The goal-oriented narrow viewpoint as a logical consequence of 'top-down inquiry' makes the researcher to favor the plays or the parts of a play that are proper to test a theory. As a result it loses the fair judgment on the artistic value of a play, and brings about the misinterpretation. The interpreter-oriented reading is the other defect of cultural studies as it disregards the inherent meaning of the text, distorting a play. The approach of cultural studies also consists of a conventionality as it arrives at a stereotyped interpretation by using certain conventions of reasoning and rhetoric. The cultural theories are fundamentally the 'outside theories' that seek to explain not theatre but the very broad features of society and politics. Consequently their application to theatre risks the destructive criticism, disregarding the inherent experience of theatre. Most of, if not all, cultural theories, furthermore, are proven to be lack of empirical basis. The alternative method to them is a 'cognitive science' that proves scientifically our mind being influenced by bodily experience. The application of cultural materialism to Shakespeare's is one of the cases that reveal the limits of cultural studies. Jonathan Dollimore and Water Cohen provide a kind of 'canonical study' in this application that is imitated by the succeeding researchers. As a result the interpretation of has been flooded with repetitive critical remarks, revealing the problem of 'top-down inquiry' and conventional reasoning. Cultural Studies is antipodal to theatre in some respect. It is interested chiefly in the social and political reality while theatre aims to create the fiction world. The theatre studies, therefore, may have to risk the danger of destroying its own base when it adopts cultural studies uncritically. The different stance between theatre and cultural theories also occurs from the opposition of humanism vs. antihumanism. We have to introduce cultural theories selectively and properly not to destroy the inherent experience and domain of theatre.