• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.27-52
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• 2011

The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of post-September 1lth. Comprised of five states, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, Central Asia's newly enhanced strategic importance stems from several other factors, ranging from trans-national threats posed by Islamic extremism, drug production and trafficking, to the geopolitical threats inherent in the region's location as a crossroads between Russia, Southwest Asia and China. Although the U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. The analysis goes on to warn that 'with US troops already in place to varying extents in Central Asian states, it becomes particularly important to understand the faultlines, geography, and other challenges this part of the world presents'. The Kyrgyz military remains an embryonic force with a weak chain of command, the ground force built to Cold War standards, and an almost total lack of air capabilities. Training, discipline and desertion - at over 10 per cent, the highest among the Central Asian republics - continue to present major problems for the creation of combat-effective armed forces. Kyrgyzstan has a declared policy of national defence and independence without the use of non-conventional weapons. Kyrgyzstan participates in the regional security structures, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organisation (CSTO) and the Shanghai Co-operation Organisation (SCO) but, in security matters at least, it is dependent upon Russian support. The armed forces are poorly trained and ill-equipped to fulfil an effective counter-insurgency or counter-terrorist role. The task of rebuilding is much bigger, and so are the stakes - the integrity and sovereignty of the Kyrgyz state. Only democratization, the fight against corruption, reforms in the military and educational sectors and strategic initiatives promoting internal economic integration and national cohesion hold the key to Kyrgyzstan's lasting future

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.39-50
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• 2003

Since the September 11, 2001, the United States has shift their national security policy for homeland from preventing or/and reducing foreign threats to ensuring domestic security. We learned from recent incident, 1.25 Internet Disaster, that it is urgent to establish cyber security policy for our nation. In this paper; therefore, I analyze the US homeland security policy, the Homeland Security Act of 2002 establishment, and cyber security-related part in this act.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.54
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• pp.9-35
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• 2018

During the recent years, cyber attacks have been increasing both in the private sector and the government. Those include the DDOS cases in 2009, the Blue House cyber attack, bank hackings etc. Cyber threats are becoming increasingly serious. However, there is no basic law related to cyber security at present, and regulations related to cyber security are scattered in various domestic laws. This can lead to confusion in the application of the law and difficult to grasp the regulations related to cyber security. In order to overcome this situation, the bill on the prevention and countermeasures against cyber crisis was initiated in 2006, but it has been abrogated. Since then, it has been repeatedly proposed, but it has been abrogated repeatedly due to the overlapping of existing laws and concerns about infringement of personal information. The most recent initiative was the National Cyber Security Act, which was initiated by the government in January 2017. The act focuses on resolving the absence of a basic law related to cyber security, strengthening its responsiveness in the event of a cyber security crisis, and fostering security strength. Therefore, this study seeks to contribute to the establishment of National Cyber Security legislation as a basic law of cyber security by examining the necessity of National Cyber Security legislation through comparative legal analysis with existing domestic laws related to cyber security and suggesting policy implications.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.91-98
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• 2013

Cyber attacks threaten the national security in this day and age. The government of the Republic of Korea recently released the National Cyber Security Comprehensive Countermeasures as a new cybersecurity policy. But current legal system cannot provide legal basis for the implementation of such measures. The current legal system related to cybersecurity is applied in each sector, thus the governance system in cybersecurity is separate. So there are many problems in the governance system in cybersecurity. To solve these problems fundamentally, it is righter to make a new cybersecurity law than to revise existing laws. Meanwhile, lawmakers proposed some bills in Congress to strengthen the cybersecurity in Korea in 2013. It will increase possibility of legislation of cybersecurity act to make a law through the analysis of these bills and to derive the essential elements from those. and to reflect these in the new cybersecurity act.

• Life and Agrochemicals
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• s.279
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• pp.22-23
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• 2012

라이스 보울지수는 한 나라의 식량안보의 상황을 좋다, 나쁘다 평가하는 것이 아니라 식량안보를 관리하는 국가의 종합적 역량을 측정할 수 있도록 식량안보에 미치는 긍정적인 요인과 부정적인 요인을 고려한 지수이다.

• Journal of the Korea Institute of Information and Communication Engineering
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.251-258
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• 2010

The Republic of Korea is the maritime country of which its infrastructure of the country's development is based on maritime trade. This can be easily understood according to degree of dependence upon foreign trade, which is the economic indicator for expressing one country's economic characteristics. In 2008, the degree of dependence upon foreign trade of Korea is 83.5%, and this figure is much higher than that of Japan and China, which is 28.8% and 68% respectively. This in turn means that the development of Korea, and also the security of Korea depends greatly on safety of the sea. On the other hand, there is a growing trend that threats to the maritime security of Korea increases as examples seen in Somalia pirates. Thus we could say that interest on this issue should increase and also measures to counter those threats should be prepared. Also Korea should take the maritime security as important as critical factors as national security, which is similar to military threats from North Korea. Therefore all citizen's interests on the issue should be raised, and organizations that are capable of mutually integrating the functions related to maritime security should be established. Finally, Korea should actively participate international efforts on maritime security, and secure maritime security of our nation therefore contribute to the nation's prosperity and future development.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.10 s.296
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• pp.48-55
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• 2003

미 안보지원역사는 좁은 의미로는 무기와 물품의 지원 및 판매 역사이며, 우리 의지와는 상관없이 세계정세 변화에 따라 국익을 극대화할 수 있도록 변화해 있다. 현 부시 행정부의 안보지원정책은 미래를 위한 "능력에 기초한(Capacity Based)" 모델을 추구하고 있다. 이를 뒷받침하기 위해 기존 NATO 위주에서 구매국 위주 정책으로 변환을 천명하고, 기동성이 떨어지고 유지비용이 많이 드는 무기는 과감히 도태시키고 있다. 이를 추진하기 위해 주요 핵심보직에는 전력기획 및 협상을 주도할 전문가를 보직하고, 대외 군사판매(FMS : Foreign Military Sales)를 자국 경제발전에 적극 활용하고 있다. 이러한 변화의 와중에서 미국은 어떤 특정국가를 챙겨 줄 여유가 없다. 우리 스스로 미국ㄱ의 전략변화와 안보지원관련 법규.제도와 업무수행 절차를 명확히 이해하여 미국의 변화 속에서 민첩히 대응하여 국가이익 차원에서 실리를 추구하는 방향으로 정책이 지향되어야 한다. 미국의 안보지원정책 변화를 정확히 이해하고 지혜롭게 활용함에 따라 국가의 위기가 될 수도 있고 도약의 기회가 될 수도 있다.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.9 s.295
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• pp.40-49
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• 2003

미 안보지원역사는 좁은 의미로는 무기와 물품의 지원 및 판매 역사이며, 우리 의지와는 상관없이 세계정세 변화에 따라 국익을 극대화할 수 있도록 변화해 있다. 현 부시 행정부의 안보지원정책은 미래를 위한 "능력에 기초한(Capacity Based)" 모델을 추구하고 있다. 이를 뒷받침하기 위해 기존 NATO 위주에서 구매국 위주 정책으로 변환을 천명하고, 기동성이 떨어지고 유지비용이 많이 드는 무기는 과감히 도태시키고 있다. 이를 추진하기 위해 주요 핵심보직에는 전력기획 및 협상을 주도할 전문가를 보직하고, 대외 군사판매(FMS : Foreign Military Sales)를 자국 경제발전에 적극 활용하고 있다. 이러한 변화의 와중에서 미국은 어떤 특정국가를 챙겨 줄 여유가 없다. 우리 스스로 미국ㄱ의 전략변화와 안보지원관련 법규.제도와 업무수행 절차를 명확히 이해하여 미국의 변화 속에서 민첩히 대응하여 국가이익 차원에서 실리를 추구하는 방향으로 정책이 지향되어야 한다. 미국의 안보지원정책 변화를 정확히 이해하고 지혜롭게 활용함에 따라 국가의 위기가 될 수도 있고 도약의 기회가 될 수도 있다.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.31
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• pp.157-185
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• 2012

Today, the emergence of cyberspace and advancement of globalization caused not only the transformation of our productive and conventional life but also the revolutionary transition of use of destructive violence such as crime and warfare. This transition of environmental condition connects various security threats which separatedly existed in individual, local, national, and global levels in the past, and transformed the mechanical sum of all levels of security threats into the organic sum of multi-dimensional security threats. This article proposes that the sum of multi-dimensional security threats is caused by the interconnectivity of various different levels of security threats and the integrated interdisciplinary perspective is essential to properly understand the fundamental existence of today's security problem and the reality of fear that we face today. The holistic security, the concept proposed here, is to suggest the mode of networked response to multi-dimensional security threats. The holistic security is suggested to overcome the conventional divisional approach based on the principle of "division of labor" and bureaucratic principles, which means more concretely that national security and criminal justice are divided and intelligence, military, police, prosecution, fire-fighting, private security, and etc. are strictly separated into its own expertise and turf. Also, this article introduces integrated security approaches tried by international organization and major countries overseas with the respect of the holistic security. The author have spent some substantial experience of participant observation, meetings, seminar, conference, and expert interviews regarding the issues discussed in the article in various countries including the United States, Russia, Austria, Germany, Canada, Mexico, Israel, and Uzbekistan for the last ten years. Intelligence and information on various levels of security threats and security approaches introduced in this paper is obtained from such opportunities.

• Strategy21
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• s.42
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• pp.347-370
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• 2017

동북아시아지역에서 집단안보와 관련된 지역협력체가 형성되기 어려운 이유에는 먼저 체제와 이념이 다른 국가들 사이에서의 강한 지정학적 역학관계가 작동하고 있고, 두 번째로 개별국가 내부의 사회이념과 정치체제의 차이로 인한 이질성이 매우 강하며, 세 번째로 새롭게 형성되고 있는 미-중 관계의 대립적 구도가 군사안보적인 차원에서의 과도한 경쟁관계를 유발하고 있는 동시에, 네번째로 북한의 지속적인 핵과 미사일위협이 지역을 넘어 범세계적인 위협요인으로 작용하고 있으며, 다섯 번째로 장기간 미해결상태에 있는 도서 분쟁이 항시 관련국가들 사이에서의 과도한 민족주의적 갈등을 유발시키고, 이로 인한 적대적인 갈등관계가 지속되고 있는 점 등을 동시대적인 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들로 규정해 볼 수 있다. 동시에 이런 현실적 차원에서의 정치적 장애요인들의 근원적인 발생요인으로도 평가될 수 있으며, 특히 동북아 개별국가들이 내세우고 있는 강력한 민족주의 성향과 과거사와 연관된 역사인식에 따른 문화적 이질성의 내면에 존재하는 낭만적 민족주의요소가 동북아 개별국가들 간의 신뢰형성과정을 강력하게 가로막고 있음을 지적할 수 있다. 19세기말에 동북아에 유래된 낭만적 민족주의에 대한 비교국가 차원에서의 심도 있는 분석과 이를 통한 절충점의 발견은, 역설적이지만, 세계 어느 지역보다도 극심한 갈등과 대립국면이 심화된 동북아지역 내의 국가들이 군사안보 및 정치경제차원에서의 보다 원활한 협력관계를 도모하기 위한 첫 단계로서의 공동의 장을 마련할 수 있는 주요한 동기가 될 수 있다.