• Journal of Conservation Science
• /
• v.37 no.2
• /
• pp.154-166
• /
• 2021

The royal seal, in either gold or jade, is used to symbolize Joseon's royal family, and it is made up of a Bonu (a handle), Bosin (a body), Bomun (a letter inscribed on the seal), and Bosu (a string attached to the seal). The Bosu was designed to enhance the seal's dignity and facilitate convenient handling. Bosu consists of Kkeun-mog and Bangwool-sul (decorated with gilt paper), which are made of Bangwool, Bangwool-mog, and Sul. In this study, the form survey, color, material, and composition of 318 Bosu pieces from the Joseon Dynasty and Korean Empire produced from 1441 to 1928 were analyzed. As time passed, the strings on the seals became longer and thinner. Bangwool-mog disappeared from the mid-1800s, and a ring appeared at the end of the Sul. Most of the colors used were scarlet, but orange and purple were also identified. Although most of the Bosu are silk, five Bosu from the 1900s and one Bosu from the 1740s (likely replaced in the 1900s) are estimated to be rayon. The gilt paper's main chemical components used to decorate the Bangwool-sul vary according to age. Until the mid-1800s, gold (Au) was used for the Sul and Bangwool, but since the mid-1800s, gold (Au) and brass (Cu-Zn) were used for Sul and Bangwool, respectively, and then brass (Cu-Zn) was used for Sul and Bangwool. While the Bosu was a seal accessory, it can be used to identify changes in the manufacturing techniques and materials of the period.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.38 no.4
• /
• pp.39-48
• /
• 2020

This study examined the type, the structural shapes, and the representation of Sandae, which was the stage for traditional performing arts and constructed for the purpose of imperial processions, ritual ceremonies, banquets, etc. from the Goryeo Dynasty to the Late Joseon Dynasty, and the implications of Seokgasan, which was built in the same era. First, through the history and meaning of Sandae, it was confirmed that Sandae has a homogeneity with Seokgasan, which attempted to imitate the shape of "Mountain" in the outer space. The construction of Sandae was deeply related to the tradition of famous mountains. This is consistent with the fact that 'Famous mountains and lakes" in China was symbolically replicated on the Seokgasan in the front yard of the "Cheongyeongak" in the Goryeo Dynasty. Second, Sandae and Seokgasan differed in their structural shapes, materials, and production methods, but they were used as a stage background for national events by constructing in the shape of the mountain, and appeared in various types. It can be seen that the interest in gardens and art of those days has resulted in various formative expressions of nature through the shape and symbolic meaning of the Sandae that mimics the mountain. Third, it is presumed that the square pond with lotus flowers, which is believed to have been located in the center of the garden of Shin Jaehyo's old house, and the Sugak and Seokgasan adjacent to it were not only elements of the garden, but also functioned as a background for the training and performance stage of Shin Jaehyo's students.

• 지역과문화
• /
• v.7 no.3
• /
• pp.49-79
• /
• 2020

This study focuses on the analyzing historical and cultural resources formed during the Goryeo, Chosun, and Anti-Japanese Movement periods after the Silla period with the aim of finding ways to utilize its cultural contents. The viewpoint of analysis was made from the perspective of exchange, naturalization, and faith, and the following conclusions were obtained from the analysis. First of all, from the exchange perspective, the activities of Choi Chi-won, Seogyu, and Song Young-gu contributed to the formation of regional historical and cultural contents, such as leaving a lot of ruins or geographic stories in the area and a heritage of good human exchange. From the point of view of naturalization, Du Kyung-ryeong, Cheon Man-ri, and Jeong Yul-seong contributed to the history and culture of the story and the formation of heritage by doing such as contributing activities to the war, anti-Japanese movement for the nation, and the formation of the nation. The most representative from a religious point of view is the Guan Yu faith, which has become a faith believed by the authorities and civilian as a brave longevity and a symbol of the victory of war. The related symbols, paintings, etc. also are objects of worship and have become valuable local Chinese cultural resources as artistic values. Therefore, from a cultural point of view, there is a need to further develop and utilize these China-related historical and cultural resources as good cultural contents by elaborating their stories and local festivals, book culture branding, international music festivals, and exploring various cultures such as Chinese tour courses.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
• /
• v.25 no.4
• /
• pp.641-656
• /
• 2022

This article investigates how Baedal Minjok(BaeMin) has grown to be a dominant mobility platform operator in food delivery sector in South Korea and what roles its brand and branding have played in the process, drawing on the idea of origination. For the purpose, BaeMin is considered as a typical platformized mobility service provider and origination is framed to be an appropriate analytical lens for the business sector. For the origination conception, unlike mainstream neoclassical theory and concepts, is able to deal fairly well with the issues of imperfect competition, imperfect information, and monopolistic brand rent, which are apparent in today's platformized mobility services. Drawing evidence from textual data, empirical analysis pays particular attention to discursive and symbolic dimensions of BaeMin's socio-spatial biography. It is found that national origination underpinning ethnicity comprises an important pillar of BaeMin's brand and branding. Another form of place-based origination is also observed to matter, especially in the varied relation between the mobility service brand's owner and consumers. However, this configuration of BaeMin's brand origination has yet to be fully stabilized, as it has faced with serious challenges including brand vandalism and anti-brand movement especially since its merger to German food delivery platform giant Delivery Hero in 2020. This origination crisis moment appears to be associated with a series of contractions intrinsic to so-called 'platform capitalism'.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
• /
• v.37 no.2
• /
• pp.49-76
• /
• 2022

This study is to illuminate the problem of shadows and evil appearing in contemporary events in the midst of a period of upheaval through Inferno of Divine Comedy. First, the concept of shadow and evil were briefly summarized in analytical psychology and discussed the importance of considering the concepts with the empirical aspect of relativity and ethics in the field of psychotherapy. The 14th century, the age of Dante, was the embryonic period of the Renaissance beyond the end of the Middle Ages. It was when Dante, who was writing Divine Comedy, had to take off his persona forcibly and live in exile. In a nutshell, it was a transition period for both the individual and the collective. The dark forest is a nigredo, darkness and chaos we face in this transition, but it can be a place of transformation and rebirth. The three beasts (leopard, lion, and she-wolf) encountered in the forest can be considered as the instinctual images that Dante ignored and alienated, which the medieval Christian world had suppressed and eliminated. Especially at the collective level, as destructive instincts, ferocious beasts roam throughout society when a crisis breaks dominant laws of values. The three beasts of Inferno appear as phenomena of shadows and evil. The aspect of leopard was explored Cerberus and Chiaco(pig) as a symbol of greed, and the lion, Farinata as the form of violent passion. The aspect of the she-wolf was examined as Geryon, a deceitful monster with a beast nature hidden behind goodness, the giants in the frozen lake of Cocytus, and Branca D'Oria, who betrayed and murdered the country and family. Inferno reveals the "state" of being trapped when one yields to the evil hidden within oneself and falls into prey.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.41 no.4
• /
• pp.24-41
• /
• 2013

This study aims to investigate the complex planning processes and design ideas of the Gwanghwamun Plaza which was opened in 2009. The opening of the plaza was significant as it was built in order to restore the symbolic meaning of axis in the historical Joseon Dynasty that was distorted during the Japanese Imperialism. The plaza itself attracts many citizens and tourists by providing the empty ground carrying historical ambiences around. In this paper, the story of the Gwanghwamun plaza will be summarized. Particularly, the background of promoting the project will be discussed and the whole planning process will be dealt with. The plaza was realized through several stages. First, the planning stage will be reviewed. The planning stage had been a quite long process since the initial idea was discussed. Since the early 90s, the political decision of making the plaza was made through the change of people's understanding toward public space. At this stage, the city government worked together with diverse citizens and professionals to share the vision and to realize the right decision in making the plaza. Second, the design stage will be elaborated in detail. This is the second design stage. The former was the idea competition and the latter was the turn-key base. The final design scheme emphasized the restoration of symbolic axis and the forgotten Yukjo Street. The scheme consists of four zones such as history restoration zone, prospect and history representation zone, culture zone, and the urban zone. Through the whole design process, the original idea remained as it was. The design concept was "a place of memory and prospect." It emphasizes the history representation, view corridor, cultural activities platform as well as the emptiness and flexibility of the basic premise of the plaza. Finally, the construction stage will be discussed. There were some additions and omissions in the construction process. The design chances in the construction stage will be reviewed in detail. After the opening of the plaza, there were some changes in the detail design. We will discuss how and why these modifications were made. In the end, the social and cultural implication of the plaza will be discussed. The storytelling of the Gwanghwamun Plaza will contribute to the clear understanding of planning and design process of pubic places. Based on this reflection, we are able to think about some suggestions of public projects for the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.38 no.2
• /
• pp.14-30
• /
• 2020

This study focuses on the fact that pictorial maps in the late Joseon Dynasty were conceptual diagrams with the place names perceived by the people at the time of their production. In this regard, targeting on five pictorial maps, the humanistic landscape characteristics of Pyongyang, which had cultural identities such as a historically old, commercial, and Pungnyu(appreciation for the arts) city, were derived as follows. First, the historic legitimacy of Pyongyang Castle was represented by ritual and religious facilities. They include 'Dangunjeon' and 'Gijagung' related to the nation founder, 'Munmujeong': the remains of Goguryeo, 'Sajikdan' & 'Pyongyanggangdan': the place of the national rites, Hyanggyo and Seowon: education & rite functions, Buddhism and Taoist facilities, 'Yongsindang', 'Sanshindang', and 'Jesindan': folk religion facilities. Gija-related facilities, which became symbols of Pyongyang due to the importance of Small-Sinocentrism and Gija dignity tendency, were distributed throughout Pyongyang Castle though, the facilities related to King Dongmyeong of Goguryeo and the spaces of religion praying for blessings are spread in Bukseong and on the riverside of Daedonggang each. Second, as a Pyongando Province's economic center, Pyongyang's commercial landscape was represented by logistics and transportation facilities. The Daedonggang River, which was in charge of transportation functions, had many decks such as 'Yangmyeongpo', 'Cheongryongpo' and 'Waeseongjin' and bridges, such as 'Yeongjegyo' and 'Gangdonggyo', which connected major transportation routes. The road network was created in Oeseong area to facilitate logistics transportation and management, and many warehouses named after the jurisdiction of Pyongyangbu were distributed near the roads and Provincial Offices of the main gates. In addition, it was characterized by the urban area systematically divided with hierarchical roads, 'Bukjangnim' of willow trees planted on the main entrance roads of Pyongyang Castle, a linear landscape created by 'Simnijangnim' consisting of mixed forests with elm trees. Third, Pungnyu City is realized by the distribution of amusement facilities. The riverside of Daedonggang adjacent to Naeseong exhibits characteristics of artificial landscape such as a canal leading to the inside of the castle, a docking facility with embankments, and a port with cargo ships anchored. However, Bukseong of the natural surroundings had numerous pavilions and platforms such as 'Bubyeongnu', 'Eulmildae', 'Choeseungdae', 'Jebyeokjeong' and engraved letters such as 'Cheongnyubyeok', 'Jangbangho'. 'Osunjeong', 'Byeogwolji', 'Banwolji' near 'Sachang', and 'Aeryeondang', built on the island of a square pond, created waterscape in Naeseong invisible from the Daedonggang, and for practical purposes, ponds and repeated willow vegetation landscape related to Gija were placed in the western rampart of Jungseong. In addition, 'Seonyeondong', a cemetery of Gisaeng, located near by Chilseongmun, was used as poem titles and themes by literary people, contributing to the creation of the Pungnyu image of Pyongyang.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.50 no.2
• /
• pp.94-115
• /
• 2017

'Arirang folk song in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea' was inscribed to the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity in 2014 and 'Tradition of kimchi-making in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea' followed in 2015. It is presumed that North Korea was influenced by the Republic of Korea inscribing 'Arirang, lyrical folk song in the Republic of Korea' to the list in 2012 as well as 'Kimjang, making and sharing kimchi in the Republic of Korea' in 2013. These cases show the necessity (or possibility) of cultural exchanges between the two Koreas through UNESCO ICH lists. The purpose of this article is to explore the possibility of inter-Korean cultural integration. Therefore, I would like to review UNESCO's ICH policy and examine the ways of cooperation and joint nominations to the Representative List of Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity between the two Koreas. First, I reviewed the amendments to the laws and regulations of the two Koreas and how the two countries applied the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage. Although the cultural exchange is a non-political field, given the situation between South and North Korea, it is influenced by politics. Therefore, we devised a stepwise development plan, divided into four phases: infrastructure development, cooperation and promotion, diversification, and policymaking and alternative development. First a target group will be needed. In this regard, joint nominations to the Representative List of the UNESCO Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity will be suitable for cooperation. Both countries have already started separate nominations on shared ICH elements to the UNESCO lists. Therefore, I have selected a few elements as examples that can be considered for joint nominations. The selected items are makgeolli (traditional liquor), jang (traditional soybean sauce), gayangju (homebrewed liquor), gudeul (Korean floor heating system), and jasu (traditional embroidery). Cooperation should start with sharing information on ICH elements. A pilot project for joint nomination can be implemented and then a mid-term plan can be established for future implementation. When shared ICH elements are inscribed on UNESCO ICH lists, various activities can be considered as follow-ups, such as institution visits, performances, exhibitions, and joint monitoring of the intangible cultural heritage. Mutual cooperation of the two Koreas' intangible cultural heritage will be a unique example between the divided countries, so its value will be recognized as a symbol of cultural cooperation. In addition, it will be a foundation for cultural integration of the two Koreas, and it will show the value of their unique ICH to the world. At the same time, it will become a good example for joint nominations to the Representative List recommended by UNESCO.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.49 no.3
• /
• pp.40-52
• /
• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.53 no.4
• /
• pp.234-249
• /
• 2020

The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.