• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.72
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• pp.121-145
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• 2015

The public broadcasting in Korea are currently financed primarily through license fees paid by anyone who holds a TV set. This paper aimed for other options; How can we have a stable cash flow for public broadcasting account for right incentives, lack of sufficient government intervention, efficiency and quality? As this paper shows, bringing taxes more efficient and fairer, while a solid foundation for the public broadcasting finance; combined with an incentive based payment system this may be a sensible alternative to the forthcoming poll tax.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.209-235
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• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.3
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• pp.229-252
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• 2007

Traditional quantitative approaches to comparative social policy research in welfare state have mostly focused on cross-national variations in social policy. More recently, they have attempted to account for disparities in the local provision of social policy. However, heavily relying on traditional theories of welfare state development (e.g., industrialism theory, power resource approach, and state-centric thesis), most of them seem to have explained the local variation from a central or national perspective, thereby completely ignoring the local perspective. Furthermore, their theoretical bases have been exclusively derived from the social context of post-war era. In tackling these issues, this study aims at localizing and updating the theoretical framework of local welfare policy in the post-industrial age. The framework provided in this study calls for a shift in the theoretical perspective towards more local and new approaches (e.g., new social risks, new public management and intergovernmental relations).

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.167-177
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• 2018

Major countries, such as the U.S., UK and Germany have reformed their national intelligence systems in the face of transnational, asymmetric and comprehensive threats since September 11, 2001 and have strengthened the intelligence capacity involved in countering terrorism and WMD proliferation, right/left extremism threats. The Korean Moon Jae-in government is preparing a reform plan to eliminate illegal political intervention and abuse of power by the National Intelligence Service(NIS) and to rebuild it as an efficient national intelligence agency for national security. In discussing the reform direction of the NIS, it is necessary to discuss in detail whether adopting a separate model of intelligence agencies to restrict domestic intelligence activities of the NIS and concentrate on foreign intelligence activities or establish new domestic intelligence agencies. Second, as for the issue of transferring anti-Communism investigation authority of the NIS to the police, it needs to be carefully considered in terms of balancing the efficiency and professionalism of intelligence agency activity in the context of North Korea's continuous military provocation, covert operations and cyber threats. Third, it should strive to strengthen the control and supervision functions of the administration and the National Assembly to ensure the political neutrality of the NIS in accordance with the democratization era, to guarantee citizens' basic rights and to improve the transparency of budget execution.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.54-61
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• 2005

Sixty years have passed since the police system was established in Korea. So far, there have been consistent discussions on independence of police investigational rights. Political powers have mentioned its independence as one of their public commitments and specifically, it has been a big issue in respect to establishment of the current participation government. The issues involved in investigational rights were derived from the regulations as follows: 'Prosecutors shall manage investigation(No. 195. the Criminal Procedure Act) and 'The police shall be guided by prosecutors in respect to investigation'(No. 195. the Criminal Procedure Act). President No Mu-hyun proposed he would take care of the issues involved in investigational rights at an interview. This study speculates investigational right systems of countries that follow continental law system and English law system and more valid investigational right system based on the guaranty of human rights and the principle of power division to find reasonable suggestions on independence issue.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.51-63
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• 2020

This study analyzed newspaper reports in the United States and South Korea that focused on Parasite's unprecedented performance at the 2020 Academy Awards. The research focused on the power relationship between 'the established and the outsiders (Elias & Scotson, 1994)' as represented by the Academy Awards and Parasite, respectively. Qualitative content analysis and text analysis were conducted to examine the reporting of American and South Korean newspapers and illuminate three aspects of the power relations between the Academy Awards and Parasite. Three major findings were derived. First, the Academy traditionally has a reputation for marginalizing films with a non-English or Asian background, but recognition of Parasite at the 92nd ceremony changed the Academy's established position of power. Second, historically, the Academy Awards had been characterized by a group charisma that exerts stigmatization (through an English-oriented policy and language stigmatization) and accords North American films priority over non-English movies. Lastly, the reports of newspapers in the two countries are generally similar, but the Korean articles internalized the individual, society, and the state.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.46
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• pp.37-74
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• 2009

This research is an attempt to investigate cultural identity at the international level. Asia is one of the weakest communities in the world due to discrepancies in terms of political, economic, social and cultural aspects. Additionally, Asia has never been independent in communication flows since imperialist history until the Korean wave emerged at the turn of this century. The Korean wave reflects complex power embedded in postcolonial world in addition to cultural commonality among Asian audiences. I have conducted audience researches on Korean drama fandom in Japan and China. I adopt Lacanian psychoanalysis in order to interpret identity issues of Asian media audiences. Particularly, Deleuze and Guattari's theories are useful to scrutinize group identity of Asian community. Additionally, I refer to theories of nationalism.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.137-152
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to reveal the problems of the Western based development discourse, and to derive the future direction of postdevelopment as sustainable development. This study attempted to reveal the historical process of formation and change on development discourse. Development generally regarded as the overcome of underdevelopment, inducing the marginalization of the South as a place to follow the development model of the North. State based development discourse (Keynesian development discourse) focused on the growth by industrialization, and the supreme aim of the South was to overcome the underdevelopment. Neoliberalism development discourse emphasized on the market principle based on free competition which was recognized as the best way to provide development. However, neoliberalism discourse has been criticized for the concentration of power and inequality of class, causing on the consideration of postdevelopment because of its emphasis on growth rather than distribution and life value. This research revealed the ways of postdevelopment with fair trade and ethical consumption. However, fair trade and ethical consumption discourses clearly show somewhat limitation subsuming into neoliberal development discourse. In this respect, future ways for postdevelopment have to consider the overcoming of powers based on market and capital, and to orient into the value of redistribution in development process.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.19 no.10
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• pp.119-132
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• 2021

This study focused on examining the impact of the social context that causes gender differences in entrepreneurship, not the phenomenon itself. Specifically, this study verified the moderating effect of the social context on the relationship between gender and entrepreneurship using data from 20 countries in the Global Entrepreneurship Trend Report (GETR). In order to test hypotheses involving social context implications, Hofstede's cultural dimension factors such as power distance, individualism, masculinity, and uncertainty avoidance variables, and institutional factors such as gender equality and social security are used as specific variables reflecting the social context. Empirical analysis through GLM found that gender did not independently influence entrepreneurship, and gender had a significant effect by interacting with power distance, individualism, uncertainty avoidance, gender equality, and social security variables, respectively. Such empirical results show that the gender difference in entrepreneurship is not due to the unique characteristics inherent in each gender but on the level of the country's social context to which the individual belongs.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.7-43
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• 2023

This study examines and identified a series of strategies of Russia's political elites to maintain and strengthen their dominance by reviewing the case of revisions in the election laws of Russia in 2014. At that time, a mixed-member electoral system was newly introduced, and on the surface, it seemed that the new system was a step toward meeting the demands of the people for "enhanced democracy". However, in 2016 and 2021, the ruling party of Russia won the general elections by making the most of the factors that could distort the election results inherent in the mixed-member electoral system. Therefore, this study aimed to analyze whether the revision of election laws was a mere vehicle used by the ruling party, United Russia, to maintain its political power, or whether it was a leap forward to achieve democracy. The study result indicate that the revision of election laws in 2014 was part of the policy responses to the internal conflicts in the circle of Russia's political elites, which had been rising since 2008, as well as to the public resistance. In other words, it was confirmed that the revision of election laws was one of the measures taken to "minimize competition" and "reproduce political power on a stable basis".