• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.139-148
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• 2011

This study has a purpose of base study for ascertaining landscape architect's role of Reung Chambong through analyzing old literature include Kyungkukdae-Jeon, Sokdae-Jeon, Daejeonhoitong, Joseonwangjo-Sillok, Eugye, Reung-Ji, Ilsung-Rok, Reung Chambong's diary. Reung Chambong was a government post in the Joseon dynasty, who managed Royal Tombs of Joseon Dynasty that has promoted as a World Heritage of UNESCO. the conclusions drawn from this study are as follows. First, Reung Chambong was comprised of two Jong 9 pum Chanmbong members. a position of Reung Chambong was a Eumjik appointed Saengwon, Jinsa, Yuhak completed Sammang. the standards of appointment is a experienced person and too young. it became means for accessing a government post because it had a symbolic representation of Royal Tombs guardian. Second, The management system of Reung Chambong was approved on the basis of ranking. however, due to geographical reasons, they had much authority and various mission than is possible. for example, construction supervisor of the Reung and Bongsim, manager of the Reungsuhogun and filling out Reungji. they performed an important role in management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty. Third, One of tasks related in landscape architecture, a Bongshim reported Sukmul(stonework), Sacho, Jungja-Gak of Reungsang to Yejo periodically. formational system and method of Bongshim are provided in the Kyungkukdae-Jeon and Sokdae-Jeon detailedly. Fourth, Tree management and construction supervisor of Reungsang, positions among tasks related in landscape architecture, required basic understanding and management ability of botany, various eye for spatial perception includes civil and architectural projects. also, as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty, Reung Chambong was empowered tacit authorization and responsibility in mobility preoccupancy of vertical relationship with local officials and handling by-product of site. there is a close correspondence with landscape architect of today. A follow-up research is required to ascertain landscape architect historical values of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty and Reung Chambong's role as a site management of Royal Tombs in the Joseon dynasty through historical seeking and research old literature on Reung Chambong's role related in landscape architect.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.105-120
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• 2011

A moat is a pond or waterway paved on the outside of a fortress that is one of the facilities to prevent enemy from approaching the fortress wall or classify it as the boundary space, moats had existed in Europe, Asia and the America from ancient times to medieval times. however it is has been disappeared in modem society. In addition, a moat is a great value in historical and cultural sense such as offering a variety of cultural activities and habitats for animals, but unfortunately there is little consideration of its restoration plan. This research is aimed to investigate historical and cultural meaning and significance of moats which had been existing from ancient times to medieval times in the Eastern and Western. For this purpose, this research analyzed concepts and functions in consideration with times and ideological backgrounds of moats in Korea, China, and Japan. Results were as follows: 1. Moats in Korea existed not only in the castle towns of Goguryeo but also in ancient castle towns of Baekje and Silla. Natural moats and artificial moats existed around castles that were built to prevent and disconnect accessibility of enemies In Goryeo Dynasty and Chosun Dynasty, moats were also used as a defensive function. 2. A moat was generally installed by digging in the ground deep and wide at regular intervals from the ramparts, A moat was installed not only around a castle but also in its interiors. Moats outside castles played an important role in stomping the ground hard besides enhancing its defensive power. In addition, water bodies around a facility often discouraged people's access and walls or fences segregated space physically, but a moat with its open space had an alert and defensive means while pertaining its visual characteristics. 3. The moat found at Nagan Eupseong rumor has it that a village officials' strength was extremely tough due to strong energy of the blue dragon[Dongcheon] in Pungsujiri aspects, so such worries could be eliminated by letting the stream of the blue dragon flow in the form of 'S'. 4. The rampart of the Forbidden City of China is 7.9 meters high, and 3,428 meters long in circumference. It was built with 15 layers of bricks which were tamped down after being mixed with glutinous rice and earth, so it is really solid. The moat of the Forbidden City is 52 meters in width and 6 meters in depth, which surrounds the rampart of the Forbidden City, possibly blocking off enemies' approach. 5. Japan moats functioned as waterways due to their location in cities, further, with the arrangement of leisure facilities nearby, such as boating, fishing from boats, and restaurants, it helped relieve city dwellers' stress and functions as a lively city space. 6. Korean moats are smaller in scale than those of the Forbidden City of China, and Edo, and Osaka castles in Japan, Moats were mostly installed to protect royal palaces or castles in the Eastern Asia whereas moats were installed to protect kings, lords, or properties of wealthy people in the west.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.100 no.1
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• pp.52-61
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• 2011

Whereas recent researches have elucidated the positive ecological roles of large wood (LW) in fishbearing channels, LW is also recognized as a negative factor of log-laden debris flows and floods in densely populated areas. However in Republic of Korea, no study has investigated longitudinal variations of LW distribution and dynamic along the stream corridor. Hence to elucidate 1) physical factors controlling longitudinal distribution of LW and 2) their effect on variation in LW load amount, we surveyed the amount of LW with respect to channel morphology in a mountain stream, originated from Mt. Ki-ryong in Inje, Gangwondo. Model selection in the Generalized Linear Model procedure revealed that number of boulder (greater than or equal to 1.0 m in diameter), bankfull channel width and their interaction were the best predictors explaining LW load volume per unit channel segment area (unit LW load). In general, boulders scattered within small mountain streams influence LW retention as flow obstructions. However, in this study, we found that the effect of the boulders vary with the channel width; that is, whereas the unit LW load in the segment with narrow channel width increased continuously with increasing boulder number, it in the segment with wide channel width did not depend on the boulder number. This should be because that, in two channels having different widths, the rates of channel widths reduced by boulders are different although boulder numbers are same. Our findings on LW load varying with physical factors (i.e., interaction of boulder number and channel width) along the stream corridor suggest understanding for longitudinal continuum of hydrogeomorphic and ecologic characteristics in stream environments, and these should be carefully applied into the erosion control works for systematic watershed management and subsequent disaster prevention.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.133-172
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• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.223-248
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• 2012

This research is to investigate his creative perspective to Deahak through Seoktan Lee Shin-Ui's Daehakcharok. Lee Shin-Ui is a scholar and politician in the middle of Joseon Dynasty. His ancestral home is Jeonui. The honor name is Gyeongchik and pen name is Seoktan. The posthumous name is MunJeong. His Daehakcharok was written in the process of taking basic foundation as the politic leader. It was a record that he usually wrote down things realized after reading Deahakjanggu. Seoktan clearly classified the meaning of Jang (chapter) and Gu (phrase) as the structure of Deahakjanggu, and created new realm about the method of classified study. In the preface of Deahakjanggu, he emphasized that the core of Deahak is in Gyeong (敬, respect or honor), and clarified that Deahak deals with Sim (心, mind) and Seong (性, human nature). In the interpretation of Daehakdeajeon, he thought that the core of Samgangnyeong (三綱領, three doctrines or essential principles) depended on Myeong (明, realizing), Shin (新, taking re-newness), and Ji (止, achieving) as the meaning of 'realizing, taking re-newness, and achieving', and interpreted the context of Tao (道, the way), Myeong (明, realizing), and Deuk (德, virtue) in detail. In addition, he interpreted various concepts and meaning of Deahak with Myeongmyeongdeuk (明明德, realizing human nature) and Sinmin (新民, renewing people) as relationship with Ji(知, realization), Haeng(行, practice), Che(體, main structure), and Yong (用, dealing with), and developed Neo-Confucianism deeply. In case of the main interpretation of Deahakjanggu, he analytically reviewed 50 phrases one by one throughout 10 total chapters. In case of chapter five which includes Zhuzi's the theory of Gyeokmul (格物, approaching things or persons), he interpreted it in three parts and classified Gyeokmulchiji (格物致知, approaching things or persons and then realizing their nature) about researching deeply of principle and each thing, and Mulgyeokjiji (物格知至, approaching things or persons and then realizing them) about all things. He arranged in order of 'principle- researching-result' as well. In final, chapter ten showing the core of politic thought emphasized the way of Hyeolgu (?矩, considering others' situation through his/her own experience) intensively and informed that it is the best virtue for a governor.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.151-180
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• 2018

Since the completion of the theories on human ethics and moral had been established to pursue by Confucian thinkers like Confucius and Mencius, they generally had agreed to present the basic principles for human education which every human could be the sage. In these principles for human ethics and morality there is on the premise that the knowledge about your own ethical and that the completion of the so-called act(爲) and learning(學). They had given to us that how to get a goal for the ethical and moral lives there are several academic oriented methodology will have act and learning set. In the point of achieving complete figures which act and learning for good society, there was named the sage(聖). This concept sage has two major types. One is on for the political figures that completed, and the other one is for the realm of academic side. Confucian as above mentioned the moral human being is equipped with a complete personality and political ability to make man and society perfect. Confucius has been understood as a complete human being. Yes, ideal for these two types of figures will be fulfilled in some way? They take a mystical ability to a priori or a posteriori, such as human effort can reach the sage. There are many thinkers are obvious and logical answer for this major problem in the system of confucian philosophy I have been trying. About the sage(聖), inherently natural learning(生知) occur to the position sage or knowledge (學知), can lead to there are two of the doctrine for that problem. With the study of learning and knowledge on human beings and real society the two systems concerned together. In fact, the main content of the "Analects of Confucius" we have a set of ethical and moral values not the benevolent conversation about Jin(仁) and his disciples a steady emphasis but on in praise of learning (學) for. However, at the time in Han Tang(漢唐) Han Wi(韓愈) and Wang Chung(王充), according to such thinkers the sage is already a priori determined, cannot be reached by human effort. But At the beginning of the Neo-Confucianism, Cheng I(程?) for the pioneer this Song(宋) scholars, regarding this issue could rebirth the thought that every human could be the sage through the learning as the pre-Chin(先秦) times.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.297-325
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• 2017

In this paper, the ideological features of Mohism were examined through the analysis into the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit and "universal love" based on it. Even before the viewpoint on justice and benefit became a main agenda in Confucianism, Mohism and the Hundred Schools of Thought, there had been discussions on it, and the relation between "justice" and "benefit" was generally understood as that of means and ends(本末) or that of the thing and its functions(體用). What succeeded to this tendency and set it as an individual's moral standard was the viewpoint of Confucianism including Confucius. Of course, the Confucian view was focused on the politicians or leaders of those times. Compared to which, Mohism represented the stance of their group members and pursued the interest of groups and the society rather than that of individuals. Accordingly, while Confucianism considered "justice" more important than "benefit", Mohism could understand both of them unificatively. The crucial reason why Mohism could be most active during the Warring States Period is that it had its metaphysical basis on "the disposition of Providence." Accompanying this, the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit was internally reflected in its key arguments including "universal love." That is so-called "Jianxiangai, Jiaoxiangli", that is to say, "that loving each other is namely benefiting each other." On the other hand, the fact that the viewpoint of Mohism on justice and benefit, and furthermore, the ideological foundation of its ten main arguments including universal love was "the disposition of Providence" became a double-edged sword. It was because it could be easily accepted by the laborers, farmers, and craftsmen consisting of Mohism of those times, but it instead became the reason for falling into ruins since the establishment of the feudal empire of Qin and Han(秦漢). In the feudal empire, the ideology and activities of Mohism as an individual group couldn't be embraced. For example, the way to set "Heaven"(the heavenly king) above "the sovereign ruler" might be a decisive limit to the legitimacy and rationality of the regime. Moreover, the arguments by Mohism, such as "Jieyong", "Jiezang", "Feiyue" and others couldn't be taken easily by the privileged class. Therefore, Mohism couldn't do any activities as an academic school until Seojedongjeom(西勢東漸) during the Qing dynasty later, and it was different from Confucianism. In brief, ideas of Mohism including universal love ended up as an utopian idea historically, but the conception of sharing mutual interest along with mutual love and consideration with Confucianism from the position of the relatively disadvantaged in the society has a value worthy of being appreciated even today.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.179-209
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• 2013

This study takes as its text "Yangarok", the record written by Mukjae Lee Mun Geon (1494-1567) about his grandson rearing and examines the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson. The reason it is focused on the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson particularly among many aspects of Yangarok is that the paper notices the dual feelings of love and hatred lying in the mind of Mukjae, the subject of the narrative. Because the record of grandson rearing plainly reflects the dual elements of the grandfather, love and hatred, expectation and disappointment, and hope and resignation, it shows the acute conflicts between the two persons well. At the time of the grandson's birth, Mukjae went through a gloomy period both in family and socially. He had to taste tremendous frustration in the status as an exile pushed back from the center of the political world, and his only son was handicapped, so he could not expect his caring after that. Spending each day in such frustration, he faced the birth of his grandson just like a miracle. However, the excitedness and expectation he had in the beginning of the child raising were turned into disappointment and complaining as time went by. His change lets us think about the distance between love and hatred existing in human relations. This study analyzes Yangarok but is focused on the conflicts between the grandfather and the grandson for further discussion, so it attempts to understand Yangarok from a different perspective. First of all, Chapter 2 of this article notices the fact that cause results in effect and examines the ultimate factors raising grandfather-grandson conflicts. Next, Chapter 3 considers the concrete aspects of grandfather-grandson conflicts. Based on the above examination on the causes and aspects of the conflicts, Chapter 4 focuses on the value that Yangarok has as the material for introspection and lays the ground to think about the messages that this record implies for contemporaries.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.39-62
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• 2009

In this paper, the researcher investigated the standpoint of Lee EonJeok(李彦迪), also known as HoeJae(晦齋), with regard to interpretation of Daxue("大學"), through Daxuezhangjubuyi("大學章句補遺") and XuDaxuehuowen("續大學或問"). It is true that HoeJae accommodates a fairly large portion of interpretations made by Zhuzi, however, he strived to pass over Zhuzi's Daxuezhangju by attempting a new interpretation on the Gewuzhizhi(格物致知). The greatest reason that HoeJae couldn't admit Zhuzi's view was derived from the differences in interpretation of Gewuzhizhi. The differences between Zhuzi and HoeJae concerned with Gewuzhizhi is that, while Zhuzi perceived the objects thereof from the perspective of Li(理) of things(事物), HoeJae considered the root and branch, the beginning and end of the physical world(萬物) and also all events(萬事) as the subjects of Gewuzhizhi. Meanwhile, having the chapter, dubbed, 'Weyoubenmo'(物有本末), and the chapter, 'ZhiZhi'(知止) also as expositions of Gewuzhizhi, HoeJae was able to avoid such critiques as that he complemented or added new topics to the sutra. In addition, he could have clarified the stepwise elucidations of Sangangling(三綱領) and Batiaomu(八條目) edited and compiled by Zhuzi(朱子). And the issues in the chapter of Tingsong(聽訟) lies on the extended line of theory of Gewuzhizhi. In the end, it suggests that the differences between Zhuzi and HoeJae are arisen from the discrepancies of interpretation on Gewuzhizhi. HoeJae proposed his ideology concerned with Zhizhizhuyi(至治主義) through his book, XuDaxuehuowen, and he stressed that Ren(仁) must be foundation in order to Pingtianxia(平天下). Furthermore, HoeJae emphasized that Ren which is the founding virtue in order for Pingtianxia must be begun with such very basic behavioral practices, known as, Xiao(孝), Ti(弟), and Ci(慈), and that such desirable states would be accomplished through relationships with others, not merely through self-endeavors or by self-ego.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.385-411
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• 2008

This thesis aims at examining his understandings about the The Great Learning centering on the of the founder of the YiYongHuSaeng School (利用厚生學派: A school who pursued prosperous economy and welfare of people) orthe BukHak School(北學派: A positive school that pursued mercantilism) from the Joseon Dynasty, Dam-Heon Hong Dae Yong (1731-1783). 1) From what is indicated in the , his studies mainly focused on the annotations from DaeHakJangGuDaeJeonJipJu ("大學章句大全集註": A book that edited different phrases from the Great Learning into chapters and paragraphs), Questioning of the Great Learning", and "JuJaUhRyu (朱子語類: A book of Confucian literature written by Yeo Jung Deok" of Zhu Xi who was a representative scholar of the Neo-Confucianism in the Song Dynasty. 2) Acknowledging entirely the arguing points of Zhu Xi, he is taking a critical position in a way that partial doubts are divided into seven chapters and questioned. 3) For the main characteristic and direction of the questioning, he is estimating that Zhu Xi only stressed the 'means' and 'interior' out of the world of 'means and ends' and 'interior and exterior' in Zhu Xi's recognizing and handling cases; instead, he emphasized putting equivalent value on the 'ends' and 'exterior' as well. 4) In fact, such questions raised partially were misconceived since they were not carried out through profound understanding nor systematic logic expansion of what Zhu Xi insisted. 5) Despite this, at the point where Neo-Confucian thoughts were fixed and weakened only with its form left in the late Joseon Dynasty, his perspective on the study of Confucian classics that the 'ends' and 'exterior' should be as equally valued as the 'means' and 'interior' by examining through the core text of the Neo-Confucianism, The Great Learning has its significance in his YiYongHuSaeng dogma that says politicians, by all means, should provide the ruled with economic convenience and welfare and this is their very right virtue.