• Title/Summary/Keyword: 공산주의

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Representation of China in Ha Jin's Works and the Controversy over Orientalism (하진의 중국재현과 오리엔탈리즘 논쟁)

  • LEE, Su Mee
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.38
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    • pp.191-214
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    • 2015
  • Chinese American Writer, Ha Jin has been writing exclusively about the life in his native Communist China. His stories and poems are almost all about the Chinese people so far. In addition, the distinctive Chinese flavour and the inexorably repressive image of China in his works present an 'Other' to the American culture. Such kind of Chineseness can also be found in Ha Jin's works and his career as a writer. The continued demand for knowledge of China, which is created by China's increasingly important role in the globalized economy, sustains the country's position as an Other for America. In his early four novels, Ha Jin portrays a totally repressive image of Communist China, an image of which functions perfectly as a form of otherness for his American readers. In Ha Jin's portrayal, the Chinese masses are subjected to the Communist authority through its bureaucracy and state-economy mechanism, as well as through the godlike image of Mao Zedong. They are to follow the Communist conscience and subscribe to unity-in-difference. Deviation from the one-party rule is intolerable. In each of the novels, Ha Jin presents a specific system of repression. In In the Pond, confrontation against Party authority is contained by a process of complicity. In Waiting, the Party's power is upheld through a system of surveillance in which people act as agents, resulting in a web of power which paralyses love. The Crazed illustrates a play of power by Party officials which, against the backdrop of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, is full of craze itself, driving people either out of sanity or out of the country. War Trash exposes the Communist power's repression to the extreme by presenting a case of dishonour in those whose life is debased as trash by the Party. The repressive image of China produced in these stories, which span over half a century, makes Ha Jin's China a perfect Other for the West. To sum up, Ha Jin's novels construct a repressive image of China. In his novels, Ha Jin exposes the working of repression in particular systems. Through these systems, he problematizes the notion of personal autonomy for Chinese people and proposes for his western/American readers a solution which eventually turns into a re-presentation of American hegemony.

A Christian Approach to the North Korean Residents of Materialism: Centered on Paul's Athenian contact (유물론적 사고의 북한주민을 향한 기독교적 접근: 바울의 아테네인 접촉을 중심으로)

  • Cho, Hae-Jun;Song, Chang-Ho
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.19 no.10
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    • pp.641-648
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    • 2019
  • South Korea and North Korea, which have been separated for 70 years, are getting closer and closer. This is very good news for Christians in South Korea who have long wanted to contact with the North Koreans. But it is not easy for Christianity to find contact points for North Koreans who have lived in a society that does not accept religion. First of all, it is necessary to grasp their ideological background, to find similarities with the message of Christianity, to search the Bible for cases of contact with Christianity in similar situations, and to appropriately contextualize them according to the present situation of North and South Korea. The ideological background of the North Korean people is the materialism which is the basic philosophy of communism, and the Juche idea based on materialism. Christianity is negative about the world view that spiritual things are good and material things are evil. Some contact points between Materialistic thinking and Christianity can be found in recognizing the material world as an important element of God's creation. The contact between materialism and Christianity also can be found in dialogue with the Greek philosophy in early Christian era, particularly in the conversation between Paul, who were at the forefront of non-Jewish contact, and Athenians.

The modality and the symbol of the reform in donghak and the declaration in K. Marx (칼 맑스 선언문과 폐정 개혁문의 모달리떼와 그 상징성)

  • Sun, Mira
    • 기호학연구
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    • no.57
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    • pp.155-176
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    • 2018
  • This article is a study of Karl Marx's manifesto and the reform in donghak for the modality and their symbolism. As a text, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' declaration on the Communist Alliance and the reform program of the peasant Donghak were choose. This Declaration and the Reformation are the works of philosophical practice discourse of the 1800s in this article, which unfolds paradigmatically, deriving its common symbolic meaning in the semiotic sense, and evolving ideologically towards a democracy free of property. In the end, these two historical incident which are published in the contemporary breath, constitute an accusation against a nonhuman policy of surveillance and punishment. Twice a day, the space of the church is transformed into a factory, the act of dividing into two categories by capitalist and work and divorcing by accident is embodied as a social ethic. It is against the phenomenon that the structure of which no man exists is no longer institutionalized. The revolutionary movement aimed at breaking the framework of this hunt manifests itself in the two manifestos mentioned above, and Karl Marx completes the culmination of the utopia that must be achieved through the Declaration of the Communist Alliance by placing his being in the position of "eternal refugee". By choosing to die in his freedom developed during Jeon Bong-joon's trial, he also completes the people's spirit of revolution. In the case of simultaneous exploitation in East and West, the form of oppression is the withdrawal of capital from domination and power, and a new alternative to this is the philosophical context that allows the establishment of a new paradigm with "man is the greatest capital".

Factor, Type and Resolution of Cross-Cultural Conflict faced by Korean in Vietnam (베트남에서 한국인의 이문화 갈등 요인과 유형, 그리고 해결방안)

  • Song, Jung Nam;Lam, Nguyen Phuong
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.13 no.4
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    • pp.251-284
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    • 2010
  • Through specific cases, this article examines the causes and measures to overcome cultural divergences most frequently encountered by Koreans living in Vietnam and Korean-contacting Vietnamese in terms of mode of communication, mode of living and mode of doing business. Historical reality proves that Vietnam and Korea have a lot in common in history, culture and society, due to the influence from the Chinese culture on both countries. However, each country has its own acculturation, hence, there exist, apart from the normal dissimilarities, differences between the two countries especially in natural environment andpolitical systems. As a result, in Vietnam, Koreans and Vietnamese have met with quite a lot of divergences in communication, business and living activities. In order to overcome these cultural divergences, in addition to the ceaseless efforts made by Koreans in Vietnam and Korean-contacting Vietnamese, there should be concern, assistance as well as cooperation between the people and the authorities of the two countries. We should draw lessons from the groundless or trivial affairs which, springing from the Chinese people's dislike for Koreans, have been blown up and disseminated on the internet; where by we are to reconsider the relationship between Koreans and Vietnamese. What is more, Korea still feels historically ashamed to have sent nearly 350,000 soldiers to the wa rin Vietnam for economic purposes in the past. As our predecessors brought about that historic shame to get bread for our fatherland in exchange, our generation today should approach Vietnam out of a sense of responsibility towards history. Having experienced a period of economic difficulties, Vietnam innovated and started its open-door policy in 1987. However, this event should not be regarded as the reason for us to approach Vietnam with only one rigid economic principle.

Educational Reforms under the Bologna Process in Former Socialist Countries: An analysis of educational policy transfer (체제 변환기 러시아 및 동구권 국가들의 교육 개혁이 정책 전이 논쟁에 주는 시사점: 볼로냐 프로세스를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Sun
    • Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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    • v.27 no.1
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    • pp.145-169
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this study is to investigate the influences of educational policy transfer on transitional countries by analyzing the impacts of the Bologna Process on the educational systems of former socialist countries in Europe including Russia, Ukraine, and Hungary. For this purpose, documents published by European Union and its associated educational institutions, as well as academic institutions and scholars were analyzed to evaluate the changes made not only in the systemic level but also institutional and personal levels. The Bologna Process, instigated by the rise of knowledge economy and globalization, is purported to be the most influential educational reform conducted by the member countries since the formation of EU. However, unlike its original intentions to promote the voluntary participation of universities and students, the Bologna Process strengthened the structure of centralized bureaucracy in the educational systems, and restricted the freedom of professors, since most of the universities in these countries relied on governments for their funding. This indicates that in analyzing the influences of educational policy transfer in transitional countries, it is important to analyze the roles and motivations of actors participating in the decision-making processes. Moreover, Bologna Process reforms, made under the direction and control of government, were often turned into cases in which administrators hurriedly implement new policies against the will of faculty members and students, thus impeding the efficient localization of the reforms. This case, thus, implies that while educational reforms driven by policy transfer can change external systems and policies of universities, the fundamental reforms in the minds of faculty and inner workings of organization can only come about after a careful consideration of the societal and cultural values embedded within society.

Press Activity toward the South by North Korea during the Korean War: Focusing on the Chosuninmin Bo and the Haebang Ilbo (한국전쟁 기간 북한의 대남한 언론활동: "조선인민보"와 "해방일보"를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Young-Hee
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.40
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    • pp.287-320
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    • 2007
  • This study was to look into the press policy and the related activities performed by North Korea in the South during the Korean War and to evaluate them. In order to understand the concrete contents of the activities and their characteristics, the two representative newspapers published in the South by North Korea at that times - the Chosuninmin Bo and the Haebang Ilbo - were reviewed and analyzed. North Korea operated broadcasting and started newspapers just after the possession of Seoul. and also performed various positive press activities - such as the distribution of the newspapers and periodicals of North Korea and U.S.S.R., putting the movies on the screen, and founding the weekly, etc. But the target of all the media were the same. It aimed to support Kim Il-Sung's scheme which intended to carry out the war successfully and to make the South under occupation Communism System by introducing the Northern law and system. The two newspapers, as agent of power, made only such a role to agitate and exaggerate the false things with unrealistic optimism. They intended to ideologically mobilize the South people and to affect on their perspectives and acts. However the media including the two newspapers being operated in the South during the war had not got the faith or the good response from the South people as an audience. Most of South Koreans were tired with their endless and one-sided propaganda, agitation and ideological enlightenment. It could therefore be evaluated that the press activities by North Korea in the South during the Korean War resulted with many limitations in ideologically organizing and mobilizing the South Koreans.

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Russia Represented the Novel of Dae Hun Ham before and after the Liberation (해방전후 함대훈 소설에 나타난 '러시아' 표상 연구)

  • Kang, Yong-Hoon
    • Cross-Cultural Studies
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    • v.44
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    • pp.87-121
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    • 2016
  • Daehoon Ham's novel 'Cheongchunbo' features a studier as the main character who majored in Russian literature and admired the culture of the Soviet Union. From his viewpoint, the novel reproduces North Korean society before and after its independence from Japan. In this regard, it shows multilayered presence related to Russian culture and Soviet Russia. Such an aspect is based on the sense of sympathy that the main character has. The sense of sympathy is originated from the main character's admiration for the exoticism of Soviet culture which was forbidden during the late Japanese occupation. After Korea's independence from Japan, Russian was replaced by English. Such change also occurred in the main character's viewpoint. He underwent a change in his integrative viewpoint on Russian and Soviet under the name of Red Army. After defecting to South Korea, he began to put Russia down as a den possessed by the devil called 'communism.' In the meantime, Russia and Soviet have been separated from each other in ideological terms. The novel 'Cheongchunbo' stresses that the decisive cause of such changes is argued over trusteeship. The main character, fascinated by the presence of exotic Soviet, predicates that Soviet is a political symbol around the national division caused by the trusteeship. His change alluded to the life path of Korean authors who translated Russian literature after independence. During the Japanese occupation, Russian literature translated into Korea was a longing for forbiddance and admiration for Russia. However, the Russia presented in Daehoon Ham's novel before and after independence implies that the romantic translation has ended.

The Revision of the Rules of the Workers' Party of Korea and the Organizational Changes of the 'Monolithic Guidance System of the Party Core': Focusing on Party-Government-Military Relations in Kim Jong Un Regime (조선노동당 제8차대회 당규약 개정과 '당중앙의 유일적 영도체계'의 조직적 변화: 김정은 정권의 당정군관계를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Tae-Kyung;Lee, Jung Chul;Yang, Hui
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.115-162
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    • 2022
  • The Rules of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK), revised at the eighth Party Congress in 2021, reflect the Kim Jong Un regime's changes in strategic lines and ideological justifications on North Korea's socialism and communism, and its recent stances against the external environment. Moreover, they contain critical changes in the party's organizational system encompassing the central and the provinces. This study explores the organizational changes of the "monolithic guidance system of the party core" stipulated by the new party rules in January 2021, based on the analysis of the entire nine revised rules of the WPK since 1945. In the 2021 Party Congress, the Kim Jong Un regime, which officially came to power after the fourth Party Conference in 2012, has institutionalized the monolithic guidance system centered on the party core, or the head of state, Kim Jong Un. The newly set leadership and execution system, which reorganized party, government, and military organizational structure and accompanied the relevant personnel changes, was derived from the attempts for reinstating the Kim Jong Un regime as a more normalized party-state structure before its 10th year in power in April 2022. The "monolithic leadership system of the party core" established a system of "organizational leadership" through the organization of the Central Committee, directed by the Party Head, or General Secretary. The institutionalization of the new system resulted from the ten-year development of the revival of the party-state structure, which compromised the status of the military and reconfirmed the party's control of the military. This study explains the new system from the perspectives of both institutionalization and top-down unity, shedding light on the new party-military-government relations of the Kim Jong Un regime. The analysis contributes to a better understanding and forecasting of the Kim Jong Un regime's governance, which currently strengthens the monolithic leadership system as a crisis management system in the face of the "triple hardships" of sanctions, Covid and disaster.

The Effect of Spiritual Well-being on the Mental Health of the Cho-Sun Tribal Women Residing in P.R. of China (중국거주 조선족 여성의 영적 안녕정도가 정신건강에 미치는 영향)

  • Cheung, Seung-Deuk;Lee, Jong-Bum;Kim, Jin-Sung;Seo, Wan-Seok;Bai, Dai-Seg;Park, Soon-Jae;Joo, Yeol;Youm, Hyoung-Uk;Jin, Cheung-Yuan;Jin, Jiu-Miao;Ahn, Yeung-Log;Huang, Da-Hong;Biao, Mei-Zi;Zheng, Tai-Ji;Zhao, Chang-Lie
    • Journal of Yeungnam Medical Science
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.151-166
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    • 2004
  • Background: Spirituality has been an important part of Transpersonal Psychology and is believed to have a large effect on the mental health because it has been systematized. The aim of this study was to determine the level of spiritual disposition on human beings along with its effects on one's mental health. Materials and Methods: The study targeted 400 women residing in Youn-Gil city of JiLin Prov., which is a district of the Cho-Sun tribe in China. Their spiritual well-being was studied using the Spiritual Well-being Scale-Korean Version. The spiritual well-being scale consists of 2 sub-scales of religious well-being and existential well-being. The study was evaluated using a lie scale, psychotic trend, and a combined anxiety-depression scale. The results were considered to be factors of one's mental health. The correlation between the spiritual well-being and each tendency was analyzed by regression analysis. Results: The total score of the Cho-Sun tribal women according to the spiritual well-being scale was 68.29 which was much less than the 100.65 of Korean Christian women. There was no significant correlation between the spiritual well-being and the Lie trend. However, it was found that 86%(344) of Cho-Sun tribal women scored above 70 in the Lie trend with a mean score of 74.57 which is higher than normal populations. Regarding the correlation between the spiritual well-being and psychotic trend, the psychotic trend became significantly higher when the religious well-being was at a high level. On the other hand, the psychotic trend became significantly lower when the existential well-being was at a high level. Regarding the correlation between the spiritual well-being and anxiety, the anxiety was significantly higher when the religious well-being was at a high level. However, the anxiety level was significantly low when the existential well-being was at a high level. Regarding the correlation between the spiritual well-being and depression, the depression level was somewhat significantly high when the religious well-being was at a high level. However, the depression level was significantly low when the existential well-being was at a high level. Conclusion: This study evaluated the effects of spiritual well-being on a person's mental health among Cho-Sun tribal women in Youn-Gil city of JiLIn Prov., P.R. of China. The results found that the religious well-being, which is a sub-scale of spiritual well-being, had negative effects while the existential well-being had positive effects on the mental health. These results proved that a person's religious disposition had negative effects on their mental health in a communitarian society.

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A Difference of Social Awareness between Northern and Southern Vietnam for Corporate Social Responsibility Activities (베트남 내 기업 CSR활동에 대한 사회인식 지역비교 : 북부 하노이와 남부 호치민을 중심으로)

  • JUNG, Hye young;TRAN, Thi thuy
    • The Southeast Asian review
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    • v.28 no.3
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    • pp.159-212
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    • 2018
  • This paper is focused on analyzing the social environment of a rapidly changing on Vietnamese company. The key analysis of this study is on the change of perception in Vietnam and the regional difference of CSR acception. The social acceptance research of CSR is centered on the comparative analysis of Korean, Japanese and Chinese companies Social Activities in Vietnam. In addition, This paper seek to way of contribute to the sustainable development of Korean companies, and its harmonious cooperation with Vietnamese society through reviewing the CSR activities and direction of their CSR expectation. In the paper, linkage analysis was conducted with the results of the study on CSR value development process in Vietnam society and analysis of social responsibility values obtained from empirical studies. Through this, finally, we trying to search the value of social responsibility in Vietnam and its future directions. When we understand Vietnam's CSR, based on 'locality' of Vietnam, Northern and Southern can be understand on its different backgrounds. And it can be analyzed by their CSR characteristics of acception. As the result of this research, In the North, Foreign companies' CSR is understanded to be viewed from the corporate economic income and distribution. In the South, there is a strong tendency to understand CSR activities of foreign companies as marketing activities. On the whole, In northern Hanoi, there was a strong expectation in terms of 'employment improvement' and 'workers' working conditions'. In the South, there was a greater interest in improving the 'quality of life of residents' and 'consumer protection'. This is due to the influence of the economic system experienced during the process of different colonization, modernization and communization between the two regions. Since the Reform and Opening of Vietnam, Social Awareness of CSR seems that the regional differences were formed by the pace of economic development and the economic environment has played a role. In particular, the social acceptance of CSR values showed a slight difference in recognition between the North and South regions, but as both regions showed common hope for 'intervention in the role of government'. Therefore, Social Awareness of Vietnam's CSR is based on relation of 'government-society' formed from the 'Communitarianism'. As foreign investment flows more, CSR awareness and expectations in Vietnam's society will increase further. And the CSR expectations of local governments and stakeholder will be more complicated. It is time to check the needs of Vietnamese society in relation to locality of the social responsibility activities.