• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.33-40
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to analyze historical records of what the trees had been planted like by establishment and management of the Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty so that it could be utilized for historical records to manage the trees in the Royal Tombs. The research method was to analyze the related keywords for 40 trees out of 42 trees in the Royal Tombs of the Joseon Dynasty reffering to "The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)," and "Neungji(陵誌)". There are two types of planting called Jeongsik(定植) Bosik(補植) in the Royal Tombs. Jeongsik(定植) is a planting method by Salleungdogam(山陵都監), the office in charge of construction of the royal tomb when they were building the royal tomb. Every tree additionally planted after building up the royal tomb was called Bosik(補植). The types of tree planting the composition and management of the royal tombs of Joseon are as follows. First, the first planting for landscaping was carried out during the process of building the province. Second, after the formation of Shanung, all the plants were planted by Wangmyung as additional plants. Third, due to the deforestation in the late Joseon period, additional plants were planted in the fertile plains. Fourth, trees were damaged due to natural disasters, and trees were planted together with the construction of the botanical gardens. Fifth, in the 22nd year of King Jeongjo, all the royal families' graves were regularly planted. This study aims to investigate the history of forest landscape management for the restoration of the royal tombs of Joseon.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.3
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• pp.22-32
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• 2021

The Seonwonjeon(璿源殿) in the Deoksugung Palace was initially the ritual space for the royal family affiliated with the Gyeongungung Palace during the Korean Empire. It is currently, however, empty, as a landscape restoration and maintenance plan is established as a part of the restoration project for the Seonwonjeon area. The following results were obtained through the historical investigation of the original form and examination of similar cases. First, the original topography of the backside grove, which had been in the Seonwonjeon area, is 3.0-5.0m higher than the base of the building, and a terraced flower bed(花階) was installed on the border of the green to set off the difference in a scenic way. Second, the backside grove was composed with fruit trees to bear fruits used in rites and pine trees which symbolize the ritual space. Third, resting places were established at both ends of the site for the convenience of visitors without interrupting the atmosphere of the sacred ground. A trail was also created inside the backside grove along with minimum landscape elements, including functionally required items, such as the signboard, bench, tree guard, ramp, street lights, and landscaping lights. Fourth, the information on original planting in the palace and ritual space was extracted through historical materials, such as literatures, antique paintings, and photographs along with site surveys. Based on the information acquired, a planting plan was established for the courtyard, pedestrian road, resting places, terraced flower bed, pine grove, and fruit tree garden, which constitute the landscaping space of the Seonwonjeon area.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.361-384
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• 2018

This paper aims to introduce Park Seon-su's ShuowenJiezi YIzheng from the perspective of Epigraphy, and incorporate it into the fields of Korean Epigraphy. Korean Epigraphy, which now categorized as a study since Kim Jeong-hee's powerful work in 19th century, can be listed either by studies published before and after Kim Jeong-hee's and by name of influential writers who have successfully presented each study and strive for the development of Korean Epigraphy. Earlier studies show that Korean Epigraphy has more books of data collection rather than the books of research on the epigraph. Regardless of the nationality of the author, all books containing Korean epigraph were counted as Korean Epigraphy, and those books made for religious reasons were not excluded from Korean Epigraphy as well. This indicates how wide the scope of Korean Epigraphy is. In this The reason Park Seon-su's research is ignored at present time, which was assessed as excellent in the late Chosun Dynasty, may come from lack of understanding on the ShuowenJiezi YIzheng. His book, ShuowenJiezi YIzheng, focuses on graphology but more broadly it includes translation of Epigraph and Epigraphy which leads to interpretation of scriptures. Such Park- Seonsu's great work must be presented in Korean Epigraphy studies to broaden its scope, also it is important to look for yet unfound pieces on the fields of Epigraphy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.94-102
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• 2023

The Florence Charter, established in 1981 by the ICOMOS-IFLA International Commission on Historic Gardens, considered the historic garden as a plant-dominated architectural composition, a perpetual balance between the artist and the artisan's desire to remain unaltered in perpetuity. Trees, the main component of the garden, require continuous management as they repeat their creation and calling according to the cycle of the seasons and accordingly, it is suggested that management to maintain the appearance of trees in Korean palaces was an indispensable element. Although it is an important matter to historically verify the tree management techniques of the palaces of the past, research has been difficult due to the absence of historical records and the disconnection of life due to the Japanese colonial period. In addition, according to the view that trees were not generally managed in the palace, research on palace tree management techniques has not been conducted so far. Therefore, this study aimed to examine whether or not the tree management of the palaces was performed in the past through expert interviews based on photographs taken in modern times. With the identification of tree species and pruning through in-depth interviews with experts using photographs taken in the modern period, the results are as follows. First, it was found that the shapes of trees and leaves could be identified through photographs and by observing the phenomena caused by planting and pruning, it was possible to estimate whether or not the tree management was implemented in the modern palace. Second, as a result of in-depth interviews with 8 experts in 4 fields, it was possible to determine the tree species and pruning status, purpose, and method. There was no significant difference in opinions between groups, and the evidence was clearly presented. Third, the type of management of trees in the palace was mainly found to be determination of the types of tree, removal of hazardous factors of trees, and management of lower vegetation and through the photographs of Jondeokjeong and Gwanwanjeong, it was confirmed that the trees were managed even before the Japanese colonial era, considering the time of filming. Based on the photographs taken, it was possible to estimate whether the trees were managed before the Japanese colonial period through expert interviews. However, it could not be clarified due to lack of historical materials as to whether it was carried out on its own according to the circumstances of the times or by the Japanese Empire. Still, in this study, evidence was obtained to refute the view that trees of the palace were not managed in the past through the collected data. Expert opinions supporting this view were collected to make the conclusion. In addition, based on the general theory of pruning, an empirical review of expert opinions was conducted to secure the reliability of the research results.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.35-46
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• 2023

This study investigated and analyzed ancient records on the type, planting background, and construction process of Gwanbang forest(關防林) planned for military defense during the Joseon Dynasty to find out the purpose, location, and planting species of Gwanbang forest. The research results were as follows. During the Joseon Dynasty, Gwanbang forests were created around various government facilities(關防施設), such as Eupseong(邑城), major government offices, camps, and fortifications, for the purpose of defending against enemies. Gwanbang forest includes Yeongaeglim(嶺阨林), which was created on the crest of a strategically important hill, and Military Forest created for military purposes. Most of the spirit forest was designated as Geumsan(禁山) and protected and managed, and the Gwanbang forest was created for various purposes such as shielding, flood damage and river bank erosion prevention as well as external defense. In addition, in order to continuously and efficiently produce wood, which is a material for ships, buildings, and agricultural tools, in most cases, large areas were created as mixed forests. As for the species constituting the Gwanbang forest, there are records of tangerine tree, which is effective for defense because it has thorns, and deciduous broad-leaved trees such as zelkova, elm, willow, david hemiptelea, and oak appear. In the case of Ganghwa island, which served as the defense of the capital and the royal family during the Joseon Dynasty, several records have confirmed that a forest densely planted with trifoliate orange was created for the purpose of Gwanbang forest to reinforce the defense of the outer fortress. Based on historical research in the literature, assuming that the natural monument 'Gapgotri tangerine tree in Ganghwa Island' was planted in the 30th year of King Sukjong(1704), the first record of planting trifoliate orange in Ganghwa Island, the maximum age is estimated to be more than 319 years.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.95-105
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• 2013

This study on circular identifying purposes was performed of Youngbeokji space located in Seongnagwon(Scenic Sites No.35). Through the data acquisition of 3D high precision, such as the surrounding terrain of the Youngbeokji. The results of this study is summarized like the following. First, the purpose of the stone structures and structure within the Youngbeokji search is an important clue to find that earlier era will be a prototype. 3D scan method of enforcement is searching the whole structure, including the surrounding terrain and having the easy way. Second, the measurement results are as follows. Department of bedrock surveyed from South to North was measured by 7,665mm. From East to West was measured at 7,326mm. The size of the stone structures, $1,665mm{\times}1,721mm$ in the form of a square. Its interior has a diameter of 1, 664mm of hemispherical form. In the lower portion of the rock masses in the South to the North, has fallen out of the $1,006mm{\times}328mm$ scale traces were discovered. Third, the Youngbeokji recorded in the internal terrain Multiresolution approach. After working with the scanner and scan using the scan data, broadband, to merge. Polygon Data conversion to process was conducted and mash as fine scan data are converted to process data. High resolution photos obtained through the creation of 3D terrain data overlap and the final result. Fourthly, as a result of this action, stone structure West of the waterway back outgoing times oil was confirmed. Bangjiwondo is estimated to be seokji of structure hydroponic facility confirmed will artificially carved in the bedrock. As a result of this and the previous situation of the 1960s could compare data was created. This study provides 3D precision ordnance through the acquisition of the data. Excavations at the circle was able to preserve in perpetuity as digital data. In the future, this data is welcome to take a wide variety of professionals. This is the purpose of this is to establish foundations and conservation management measures will be used. In addition, The new ease of how future research and 3D scan unveiled in the garden has been used in the study expect.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.