Kim, Junhwan;Sang, Wangyu;Shin, Pyeong;Baek, Jaekyeong;Cho, Chongil;Seo, Myungchul
Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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v.21
no.3
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pp.167-174
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2019
A process-oriented crop growth model can simulate the biophysical process of rice under diverse environmental and management conditions, which would make it more versatile than an empirical crop model. In the present study, we examined chronology and background of the development of the rice growth models in Korea, which would provide insights on the needs for improvement of the models. The rice crop growth models were introduced in Korea in the late 80s. Until 2000s, these crop models have been used to simulate the yield in a specific area in Korea. Since then, improvement of crop growth models has been made to take into account biological characteristics of rice growth and development in more detail. Still, the use of the crop growth models has been limited to the assessment of climate change impact on crop production. Efforts have been made to apply the crop growth model, e.g., the CERES-Rice model, to develop decision support system for crop management at a farm level. However, the decision support system based on a crop growth model was attractive to a small number of stakeholders most likely due to scarcity of on-site weather data and reliable parameter sets for cultivars grown in Korea. The wide use of the crop growth models would be facilitated by approaches to extend spatial availability of reliable weather data, which could be either measured on-site or estimates using spatial interpolation. New approaches for calibration of cultivar parameters for new cultivars would also help lower hurdles to crop growth models.
Ahn, So-Hyun;Kwon, Jong Sook;Kim, Kyungmin;Lee, Yoonna;Kim, Hye-Kyeong
Journal of Nutrition and Health
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v.52
no.5
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pp.475-487
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2019
Purpose: With the increase of going out to eat, reducing the sodium in restaurant foods has a crucial impact on reducing sodium intake. This study aimed to assess the current status and perceptions of restaurant staffs related to reducing sodium use in restaurants. Methods: Restaurant managers and chefs (n = 312) in Seongnam area completed a questionnaire on the current status related to sodium use, the barriers to practice for reducing sodium use, support needs, and the practicability of methods for reducing sodium use in restaurants. Results: The percentage of restaurants in the preaction stage (including the precontemplation, contemplation, and preparation stages) for reducing sodium use was 79.7%. Logistic regression analysis showed that measuring salinity while cooking was associated with measuring seasoning (OR, 4.761; 95% CI, 2.325 ~ 9.751), action/maintenance stages of behavior change (OR, 2.829; 95% CI, 1.449 ~ 5.525) and providing salinity information of restaurant foods (OR, 6.314; 95% CI, 2.964 ~ 13.45). Maintaining taste and hindering the cooking process were the main barriers to reduce sodium use. The total practicability of actions for reducing sodium was higher in staffs who worked in restaurants that measured seasoning and salinity while cooking (p < 0.05 and p < 0.01, respectively). The hardest item to practice was 'purchase foods after comparing sodium content in the nutrition labeling'. 'Avoid serving salt-fermented foods as side dishes', 'serve small portions of kimchi and less salty kimchi', and 'put up promotional materials for reducing sodium intake' were selected as easy items to perform. The majority (82%) was willing to reduce sodium in restaurant foods under the support of local government and they desired the promotion of participating restaurants and education on cooking skills to reduce sodium. Conclusion: Measuring seasoning and salinity while cooking is a meaningful practice that is associated with stages of behavior change and the practicability of actions for reducing sodium. It is necessary to provide support and education with a gradual approach to staffs for reducing sodium in restaurant foods.
No one can deny the harsh reality that archival culture has not yet been permeated extensively into all the spheres of our society. Only fragmented records in fixed areas are in the custody of archives. Records to build a living memory for the history of our present are hard to find or remain minimal, if anywhere. Above all, there are few records in archives concerned with the everyday life of common people. No consideration has not been made about the reason for being of archives, not to mention of the strategy for establishing the archival culture. Accordingly, a paradigm shift is required for archives directly connected with the everyday life of common people. Archives of everyday life means one which interprets the behaviour and experiences of individuals(groups) within the context of society through categorizing everyday life of common people into the lesser fields. And archives of everyday life also means an organization or facility/place which documents the everyday life of individuals(groups), and collect, appraise, select and preserve the records from the view point of humanities for the reconstruction of history from the bottom. Archives of everyday life is an attempt to reconstruct memory and records on behaviour by and torment of the common people in the modern history of Korea, on the basis of which we can seek out the oppressive structure in the daily life of capitalism. Archival community should discuss about what is the meaning of records in the age of democracy unlike that of authoritarian era. We also need to have definite direction on the what kinds of records are to be created and appraised from the standpoint of common people. We are to make it possible to create Zeitgeist in the tackle of records and archives' content. on this kind of attempt archival community could make a practical contribution forward a more advanced democracy, resulted in having an opportunity to change the essence of archives.
Since the 1997 financial crisis, large scale unemployment and poverty have become serious, and public and social job creation projects have been carried out. However, with the limitations of low-wage and short-term jobs, the need for long-term and high quality jobs gradually began to attract attention. In recent years, social enterprises have grown both quantitatively and qualitatively and interest in social enterprises has increased. And also it is interested in the determinants of success and failure of social enterprises in the academic field. In this study, we examined the effects of social enterprise characteristics on financial and social performance, and we analyzed empirically by using social enterprises registered in the Korea Social Enterprise Agency. The financial performance of the social enterprise is measured by the net income ratio, operating income ratio, and the return on asset. The social performance of the social enterprise is measured by total number of workers and the employment rate of the vulnerable social groups. The characteristics of the social enterprise include the CEO characteristics (gender, age, experience in operating the social enterprise), the firm size, and the elapsed time of the authentication. The results of the empirical analysis are as follows. First, as a result of analysis for the effect on financial performance, we found that the financial performance have a statistically significant positive relationship with firm size, organizational form, government subsidies and capital adequacy ratio. And it is found that the social performance have a statistically significant negative relationship with CEO age, credit debt dependence. Second, as a result of analysis for the effect on social performance, we foumd that total number of workers have a significant positive relationships with CEO gender, CEO age, and firm size, government subsidies, while total number of workers have a significant negative relationship with certification type and industry dummy. On the other hand, the employment rate of the vulnerable social groups have a siginificant positive relationship with CEO gender and certification type and It have not statistically significant relationship with the government subsidies and the firm size.
This paper introduces the characteristics of the records and archives management of Korea from Joseon dynasty to now. This paper also explains historical background of making the records and archives management in Joseon dynasty. This paper introduces the process of establishment of modern records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA after liberation in 1945. The Joseon bureaucrats established systematic methodologies for managing and arranging the records. Jeseon dynasty managed its records systematically since it was a bureaucratic regime. It is also noticeable that the famous Joseonwangjosilrok(Annals of Joseon dynasty) came out of the power struggles for the control of the national affairs between the king and the nobility during the time of establishment of the dynasty. Another noticeable feature of the records tradition in Joseon dynasty was that the nobility recorded their experience and allowed future generations use and refer their experiences and examples when they performed similar business. The records of Joseon period are the historical records which recorded contemporary incidents and the compilers expected the future historians evaluate the incidents they recorded. In 1894, the reformation policy of Gaboh governments changed society into modernity. The policy of Gaboh governments prescribed archive management process through 'Regulation(命令頒布式)'. They revised the form of official documents entirely. They changed a name of an era from Chinese to unique style of Korean, and changed original Chinese into Korean or Korean-Chinese together. Also, instead of a blank sheet of paper they used printed paper to print the name of each office. Korea was liberated from Japanese Imperialism in 1945 and the government of Republic of Korea was established in 1948. In 1950s Republic of Korea used the records management system of the Government-General of Joseon without any alteration. In the late of 1950's Republic of Korea constructed the new records management system by adopting records management system and public administration of USA. However, understanding of records management was scarce, so records and archives management was not accomplished. Consequently, many important records like presidential archives were deserted or destroyed. A period that made the biggest difference on National Records Management System was from 1999 when was enacted. Especially, it was the period of President Roh's five-year tenure called Participation Government (2003-2008). The first distinctive characteristic of Participation Government's records management is that it implemented governance actively. Another remarkable feature is a nomination of records management specialists at public institutions. The Participation Government also legislated (completely revised) . It led to a beginning of developing records management in Republic of Korea.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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v.5
no.2
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pp.195-200
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2019
The purpose of this study is to present a model for enhancing the academic excellence of adult college students. For this purpose, 408 adult college students attending 2-year and 4-year colleges in Busan, Daegu, and Gyeongbuk were surveyed and analyzed. The components of the model are curriculum, educational methods, evaluation of education, educational administration, educational environment, and institutional support and the results are as follows. First, the curriculum preferred by adult college students was to acquire diverse academic knowledge for a degree, to acquire knowledge and skills to develop skills for the workplace, and to acquire new information and knowledge regarding issues in society as a whole. Second, the professors' qualification among the educational methods preferred by adult college students was professional competence of the professors based on their theoretical and practical skills. The preferred teaching methods were lecture, discussion, action learning, and the project learning method in that order and video and PowerPoint were preferred as effective teaching mediums. Third, the preferred course for adult college students is operated on weekends, and three years was preferred to get a bachelor's degree. The possible hours of learning per day is 3~6 hours, indicating the necessity of e-learning, B-learning, and prior learning experience recognition systems. Fourth, the education evaluation method preferred by adult college students was a compromise method which is a mixture of absolute evaluation and relative evaluation, and it also showed the need for Pass or Non Pass evaluation method. Fifth, the internal factors of college selection preferred by adult college students were the acquisition of new knowledge and skills, and the external factors were desire to receive many opportunities related to employment and job improvement. The classroom, which provides an effective environment, was a fixed seat classroom and an indoor classroom environment was emphasized for desired educational environment. Sixth, institutional support preferred by adult college students was computer-related programs and learning club support services.
This study examines the birth of a genre, the $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Misemono Opera, focusing on how it accepted and modernized Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. Unlike earlier studies, it argues that Terayama was clearly different from other first-generation Angura artists, in that he rebirthed the medieval story $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ as a modern Misemono Opera. Shintokumaru (1978) was directed by Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji$, a member of the first generation of Japan's 1960s Angura Theatre Movement. It takes as its subject the Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Shintokumaru, a story set to music that can be considered an example of the modern heritage of East Asian storytelling. $Sekky{\bar{o}}$ Shintokumaru is set in Tennoji, Japan. The title character Shintoku develops leprosy as a result of his stepmother's curse and is saved through his fiancee Otohime's devoted love and the spiritual power of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. In this work, Terayama combined the narrative style of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ with J.A. Caesar's shamanistic rock music and gave it the subtitle 'Misemono Opera by $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$'. He transforms its underlying theme, the principle of goddesses and their offspring in a medieval religious world and the modori (return) instinct, into a world of mother-son-incest. Also, the pedestrian revenge scene from $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ is altered to represent Shintokumaru as a drag queen, wearing his stepmother's clothes and mask, and he unites sexually with Sensaku, his stepbrother, and ends up killing him. The play follows the cause and effect structure of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. The appearance of katarite, a storyteller, propelling the narrative throughout and Dr. Yanagida Kunio is significant as an example of the modern use of self-introduction as a narrative device and chorus. Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji^{\prime}s$ memories of desperate childhood, especially the absence of his father and the Aomori air raids, are depicted and deepened in structure. However, seventeen years after Terayama's death, the version of the play directed by Ninagawa Yukio-based on a revised edition by Kishida Rio, who had been Terayama's writing partner since the play's premier-is the today the better-known version. All the theatrical elements implied by Terayama's subtitle were removed, and as a result, the Rio production misses the essence of the diverse experimental theatre of Terayama's theatre company, $Tenj{\bar{o}}$ Sajiki. Shintokumaru has the narrative structure characteristic of aphorism. That is, each part of the story can stand alone, but it is possible to combine all the parts organically.
This paper analyzes Cuba's market-oriented reforms to alleviate essential problems with socialist countries such as soft budget constraints and incentive problems. It also discuss about effectiveness of industrial policy as a development strategy. The soft budget constraints and incentive problems resulted in the collapse of Soviet bloc and COMECON in early 1990s. After the collapse, Cuban economy suffered a steep dive, and national income tumbling down rapidly. Cuban faced serious shortages of food, gasoline, and other basic necessities of life. To halt and partially reverse economic downturn and dire austerity in the 1990's, the Cuban government made some partial reforms to the inherited Soviet system of cental planningand faced severe shortage in food, energy, and daily necessities. In response to the economic crisis. Cuba introduced economic reforms and implemented industrial policy as a development strategy as long as Cuba maintained a strong socialist country. Cuban government established the economic free zone law and attempted to induce foreign direct investment by implementing export-led industrial policy. Fiedel Castro approved the Law No. 165 "Free Zones and Industrial Parks", in 1996. However, Cuba's ESZ strategy seems to have failed because of the U.S. sanctions, but also because of Cuba's own policies, which do not allow foreign investors to hire workers directly and impose a high implicit tax on wages. By limiting advanced techniques of personnel and organization management, indirect employment can result in lowering work efforts and productivity of workers, and aggravating production efficiency in the ESZs. Another reason to fail comes from the double wage structure due to the double monetary-exchange rate system. Most of the high non-wage costs result from the double exchange rate system. Due to Cuba's imbalanced industry and production structures, concentrated labor force, and urbanization and centralization of agriculture production, the industrial transformation development model suggested by Lewis has not been successful unlike other Asian agriculture-led development model. Cuba has to overcome many difficulties in implementing industrial policy as a development strategy.
This research aimed to discuss the necessity of education and evil through perspective of Sunja and Hannah Arendt. In case of Sunja, it was reviewed by his opinion about Sunja as the central figure. As for Arendt, it was researched with "Eichmann in Jerusalem" as the central figure which she wrote participating in the trial process of Eichmann who was a war criminal of Nazi. Sunja thought evil as the nature of people and understood that they all are originally selfish, envious, and seeking desire. Therefore, Sunja thought it is important to properly seek human desire. He claimed Haw Seong Gi Wi(化性起僞, changing evil human nature into goodness through manner) which changes human nature from evil to goodness. A teacher who leads evil into goodness is surely needed in the process of Haw Seong Gi Wi. At the same time, in the dimension of educational content it put stress on the role of Ye(禮, manner) which lets them realize discernment so that they properly seek human desire and Ak(樂, harmony) which harmoniously controls human emotion, and key point on education regarding Ye and Ak. As for Arendt, however, she recognized evil as normal one. Even though he thought that conforming the order of superior authority was the best value and then took evil of killing many Jews in thoughtlessness, Eichmann maintained that he did not take evil but only conformed the order. This way, people could take evil in thoughtlessness in totalitarianism, and it makes circumstance that they could not take goodness. Therefore they could take evil in thoughtlessness and experience the radical evil and the banality of evil. Accordingly, political praxis which guarantees people's plurality as the words and praxis is needed. It is named natality because the truth that they are born in this world is a starting point, and makes the essence of education. In this process, teachers have to be a representative of this generation for children as new social members, and be able to keep children's newness. Sunja and Arendt have the same equality and difference in that they referred to the necessity of education to overcome human evil. It is the same quality that goodness could recover the function of community and the practice of education is considered important in the goal of education and the dimension of directivity. It is different in methodical characteristic of education that Arendt, however, suggests praxis as the way that they express themselves in totalitarianism while Sunja thought that continuous practice piling up virtue for goodness is important.
The aim of this thesis was to examine the circumstances that led up to successful coin use across the entire nation in 1678 (the $4^{th}$ year of King Sukjong's reign), during the Joseon Dynasty. To this end, this thesis analysed the Sa-Mouk(事目, Provisions) that contained the institutional protocol for coin circulation, implemented by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk(金堉) who had practical experience in these matters over the ten years of King Hyojong's reign(1649-1659). To regulate the problematic wide circulation of coarse cotton cloth as currency in the market of 1650 (the $1^{st}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), prohibition measures were implemented. Besides the superficial justification given for these measures(i.e., that the market price was disturbed by the use of coarse cotton cloth), there was another purpose to prohibiting the circulation of cotton cloth as money, following the standard ruled by the government: the state aimed to ensure momentum for the upcoming coin circulation policy, by strengthening its control of the current economy. In 1651 (the $2^{nd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), the government fully cracked down on the use of coarse cotton cloth as currency, and simultaneously implemented its coin circulation policy in the Pyeongan(平安) region. The pretext for this policy was to raise finances to support people who were starving as a result of poor harvests and famine. People who received coins from government officials could purchase food in the market, and the coin circulation policy was judged to be successful. Subsequently, to extend coin circulation further throughout the region, the Sa-Mouk for Seoul was established. The Sa-Mouk included stipulations regarding the use of coin in transactions and for government expenditure; it aimed thereby to enhance the national policy's market credit. The hasty implementation of the policy for the expansion of coin circulation caused some problems that required its modification. In 1652 (the $3^{rd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), coin circulation was increased to encompass the Gyeonggi(京畿) region, and some of the tax that had been paid in rice was now paid in coin. However, coins were in short supply, since there was insufficient copper, the main material used in coin production, and the policy faced a significant limitation. Therefore, in 1655(the $6^{th}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), a new Sa-Mouk for coin circulation was established. This Sa-Mouk included specifications regarding the determination of coin values based on rice and silver, and mandated the wide spread installation of stores for exchanging spot goods for coins throughout the region in which coins were circulating. This policy's objective was to secure stability for the national economy by further regulating coin circulation. The sustained implementation of the coin circulation policy for ten years by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk offered the government an opportunity to accumulate experience in coin circulation in the market, and also to learn from institutional trial and error. This may have been one of the contributing factors to the nation-wide coin circulation that was established in 1678. The objective of the policy implemented during King Hyojong's reign was not to meet the market's requirements, but rather to ensure the preservation of the national economy, and this misjudgement constituted the policy's key limitation. At this time, the government urgently needed to secure finances to cope with the war against China's Qing Dynasty.
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