• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.287-312
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• 2018

Confucianism which pursues the right relationship between person and person, depicts the ideal that moral individuals contribute to community development. In the 16th century, Toegye Yi Hwang, the authority of Korean Confucianism, reflected his educational intentions and interests and made the whole of the body of Confucianism and the whole process of the study into a series of 10 paintings 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning'. The purpose of the education which is claimed in the 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is to become a saint, and it ultimately coincides with the purpose of moral education which is to be introspective and practical moral man. The whole theme of 'Ten Diagrams of Sage Learning' is related to revealing the principles of humanity and morality in order to restore human nature on the basis of piety. Piety(敬) is also a purpose and a method of self-discipline, and is the main content. The method of education for traditional confucianism is aiming for the organic integration of purpose, content and method of education and reveals the consistency of the combination of knowledge and behavior in content and method. Exploring the universal value of traditional culture and re-raising moral culture that is important in traditional education is to discuss that what is valid for the present and the future is derived from the past tradition. That may be useful in solving today's educational problems. Especially, it is very meaningful to adopt a reflective approach to cultivate talented people who can 'realize oneself' and 'care for the community' which is the ultimate goal of education through analyzing the essence of moral education pursued by traditional education.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.29-52
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• 2013

Philosophy of respect righteousness advocated by Nammyung points to what first needs to be done to drive social changes. It is consistent with the Confucianism, which views the world from within oneself. After all, developing a proper view of the society starts from looking at oneself in the right perspective. The view that personal cultivation can develop into cultivation and eventually reform of the entire society is also present in Confucius' belief that one can only be at peace after disciplining oneself and observe good manners only after perseverance. Also, one can lead the world in peace only after disciplining one's body and mind. In other words, it suggests that individuals and the community where they belong to are not independent from one another. Rather, individuals gather to create a society and righteous individuals are the basis for righteous society. These principles of social system in Confucianism can be understood as a mutual or layered division and integration. The society is not conflicted with individuals or the nation but rather perceived as moral communities to co-exist. Hence, power of execution observed in the philosophy of respect and righteousness by Nammyung is identical to power of execution applied to the society. The power of execution shows up as 'the execution of righteousness' in Nammyung's philosophy of respect and righteousness. It is also demonstrated in the acts by Nammyung's disciples when the nation was at crisis. This is what differentiates Nammyung's new-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty from Toegye or Yulgok as he tried to deliver 'the execution of righteousness.' It does not mean that neo-Confucian scholars did not emphasize the importance of execution, but Nammyung, in particular, warned how deceitful ideological or inner-directed thinking can be since they fail to come up with concrete solutions to social issues. In summary, Nammyung's moral discipline and training based on respect and righteousness cannot be evaluated in a state of vacuum separate from social and historical aspects but under the context of enlightening virtue and social execution. This can draw the conclusion that Nammyung's execution of respect and righteousness is in the starting point of the realistic 'theory of social reform' for creating a better world.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.119-143
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• 2009

This thesis examined interest and elucidation of Confucian scholars during the Chosun dynasty on the theory of self-cultivation. Taiji is the ultimate notion that surveys existence and value, however, the concern on the Taiji during the Chosun period lies more on the cultivation of mind. Confucian scholars understand the human world as a place for moral completion. Therefore, the self-cultivation theory of Confucianism rises against the disciplines of Taoism and Buddhism which are away from daily lives. And it also makes theoretical basis on the elucidation of Taiji distinguished from Taoist and Buddhist disciplines. The Confucian scholars in the Chosun dynasty saw Taiji as actual truth [實理] penetrating inside and outside and at the same time sincerity. On the discussion on "mind becomes Taiji[心爲太極]", they recognize taiji as a center supervising everything, human ultimate[人極], mind of the Way[道心]. The Confucian theory intending to comprehend tai-chi as a center of silent and stable mind, accepts methods of being calm, sitting in meditation, and breathing exercise at the time of before issuance[未發] This is reinterpreting the discipline methods of Taoism and Buddhism reasonably and including them as the parts of Confucian jing[敬] study.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.225-252
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• 2012

In this paper, the writer examined the procedural changes of Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和), and also investigated the evaluations thereof made by the later generations. In the stage of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), Zhuzi(朱子) ignored the theory of Lidong(李?), which was traditional theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). He met Zhangshi(張?) of HuXiang School(湖湘學派) and followed the school's philosophy, 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)', meaning what you should do first prior to making great efforts in self-cultivation is to examine the past, when desiring to know yourself. Even though Zhuzi(朱子) had learned the method of moral cultivation from Lidong(李?), he was fascinated by such method of moral cultivation as 'XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養)' advocated by HuXiang School(湖湘學派) through discussion with Zhangshi(張?). This tells that he only recognized the fact that there were no achievements WeiFa(未發), but only the achievements YiFa(已發). In the stage of ZhongHeXinShuo(中和新說), he realized the mistakes committed in the time of ZhongHeJiuShuo(中和舊說), and put emphasis upon the achievements in the time WeiFa(未發). Zhuzi(朱子) had explained the relationships among mind, nature, and emotional bond as by his theory, 'XinTongXingQing(心統性情)', meaning that mind controls humans' original nature. Also he followed self-cultivation of Respect, no longer believing the Huhong(胡宏)'s XianChaShiHouHanYang(先察識後涵養). Such a method of self-cultivation means that his method of moral cultivation centered on the achievements YiFa(已發), which was originated from HuXiang School(湖湘學派), had been changed into the method of moral cultivation with a focus on the achievements WeiFa(未發), which was theory argued by DaoNam School(道南學派). However, Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) that had seemed perfect began to be discussed and polished again during Joseon Period through the debates between Ligu(栗谷) and Niuxi(牛溪) in the 16th century, and through the debates between Youan(尤庵) and Yuxuan(寓軒) in the 17th century, also through the HuLuoLunZheng(湖洛論爭) represented by Nantang(南塘) and Weiyan(巍巖). Since Zhuzi(朱子)'s theory of ZhongHe(中和) had some flaws, it had to put through such debates as mentioned above. Those debates were generated because imperfections were found in the theory of ZhongHe(中和) by Zhuzi(朱子).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.41
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• pp.9-38
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• 2014

Hanhweon-dang Kim Goeng-pil(1454~1504) sublimated ethics whose lead was opened up by Jeong Mong-ju in late Goryeo as one scholarly tendency. Kim Goeng-pil was called 'the father of ethics in Joseon' and has been respected as a model of ethicist for 400 years since then. Following Kim Goeng-pil, Confucian scholars of Joseon cultivated perseverance through Xiaoxue and the perseverance was sublimated to Confucian scholars' energy and then that of state, which served as driving force to keep the national legacy. Kim Goeng-pil suggested how to study with Xiaoxue and sought moral human beings and ethically ideal societies based on strong practicability which is required in Xiaoxue. Individuals' cultivation and social reform are not at a different dimension. Spirit of 'self-cultivation' that Kim Goeng-pil himself demonstrated advanced to pursuit of ethical, ideal state when reaching a level of Jo Kwang-jo. Kim Goeng-pil thought that teaching in Xiaoxue could be achieved through 'Gyeong (敬, respect).' It is the key of Neo-Confucianism in Joseon to control one's mind through the cultivating method of 'Gyeong.' Kim Goeng-pil settled Joseon's Confucianism as 'practical ethics(心學).' Before Kim Goeng-pil, no scholars had well presented the aspects of practical ethics. After King Myeongjong and Seonjo, Confucianism in Joseon worked as the cornerstone of practical ethics. Since mid-17th century, the system of practical ethics had been firmly established with focus on 'Gyeong. Literary men of Kim Goeng-pil and scholars they fostered led the academic and political world of Joseon after mid-16th century. They played the lead in Sarim faction's(士林派) ruling after King Seonjo came to throne. The very foundation which sublimated Joseon to the ethically ideal state and made the Dynasty a 'state of Sarim' was actually laid by Kim Goeng-pil.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.63-96
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• 2013

$L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) was one of the famous philosophers during the Southern Song period, and is called one of DongNamSanXian(東南三賢) together with ZhuXi(朱熹) and ZhangShi(張?). With his profound knowledge transmitted and uphold by JiaXue(家學), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) established his learning system, interacting with scholars of those days. Principally, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) was based on Mengzi(孟子)' theory of LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) explained the meaning of such a conscience through ChuXin(初心) and Inner NeiXin(內心). According to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), ChuXin(初心) arouses when one encounters external things, and this one's intention enables us to make the right judgments over the outside objects. NeiXin(內心) means LiangXin(良心) and BenXin(本心) that recovered the ability of moral awareness. The important significances of $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s XinLun(心論) are XinWai WuDao(心外無道), and XinWaiWuTian(心外無天). Through these, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) emphasized that Tian(天), Dao(道), and Li(理) are one. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) arranged a meeting of EHuSi(鵝湖寺), and exerted efforts to negotiate the academic differences between ZhuXi(朱熹) and LuJiuyuan(陸九淵). However, compared with LuJiuyuan(陸九淵) who asserted FaMingBenXin(發明本心), $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) put the emphasis on DaoWenXue(道問學) with self-awareness of conscience. Meanwhile, $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) valued much of Jing(敬) like ZhuXi(朱熹). But, to $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙), Jing(敬) meant WuJianDuan(無間斷) of ChunYiBuZa(純一不雜) DaoDeXin(道德心), and implied the same as Cheng(誠). $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙) stressed the reading and pursuit of study, however, he also asserted that Li(理) could be understood and realized through self-awareness of one's mind and its reflection, and working without interruption. $L{\ddot{u}}Zuqian$(呂祖謙)'s academic tradition of the XinXueDe XueFeng(心學的 學風), which reveals through compromise and confrontation with ZhuXi(朱熹), can be said that it will have a significant meaning of idealism of dispute in the Southern Song period.

• Korean Journal of Adult Nursing
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• v.14 no.4
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• pp.612-624
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• 2002

연구목적: 이 연구는 한국의 전통적 문화에 기초한 한국적 간호이론 개발을 위하여 고전문헌과 관련문헌으로부터 한국인의 세계관을 도출함을 목적으로 한다. 연구방법: 한국인의 세계관 도출을 위하여 문헌분석방법을 적용하였다. 연구자료는 조선왕조 500년과 현대까지 한국인의 사상체계에 가장 큰 영향을 끼친 성리학의 근간을 이루는 태극도설과 역경을 중심으로 한 고전문헌과 관련 해설서들로 하였다. 연구결과: 한국인의 세계관의 원리로서 변화의 원리, 통일성의 원리, 인본주의 원리를 도출하였다. 그들 각각의 하위개념으로 1) 변화의 원리에는 생산성, 주기성, 중용, 2) 통일성의 원리에는 유기적 체계, 동시성, 전일주의, 조화, 그리고 3) 인본주의 원리에는 경(敬), 충(忠), 서(恕), 효(孝)을 도출하였다. 결론: 서양의 간호개념이 아닌 한국인의 세계관의 원리와 하위개념을 기초로 한국인의 고유한 건강과 간호개념을 도출함으로서 한국적 간호이론개발에 기여할 수 있다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.8
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• pp.73-81
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• 2018

In this paper, East Asian thoughts in Choi In-ho's novels have been studied based on Emmanuel Levinas' philosophical theories. He is a philosopher who dealt with the matter of subject formed through the encounter the others. The author of this paper quoted his ethics of responsibility, viewing that East-Asian thoughts put stress on the relationship with the others. The conclusions are like these; first, in the novel, Sang Do, there is a true relationship between the subject and the others thinking in the side of the other. Human relationship is like Sangsunyaksoo, which means when subject goes low, there appears a place the other can stay in. Second, in the novel Yoorim the essence of Neo-Confucianism shows up through Kyung thought, in which subject serves on the other in respect. That's like what Levinas said, "responsibility to others". Third, in the novel The Road without Road there appears Jinsokppuli, the central value of Korean Buddhists' Zen thoughts, meaning that you are not differentiated from me. In the times when the nation had been lost, Kyung Ho, who answered the call of people was a man who found what Levinas said, "the other who stays in me". As a conclusion the thoughts such as Sangsunyaksoo, Kyung, and Muae which show up in Choi In-ho's novels are connected with Levinas' ethics of responsibility and well shown as good examples of East Asian ethics.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.11-24
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to re-examine the neglected and forgotten Cheongdo Geoyeonjeong, to correct the wrong contents, examine the changes and conditions of the garden, and to establish basic data on the components of the forest in the future. In addition, it was extended to the Gongampungbyeog Cliff, the influence area of the Geoyeonjeongwonlim, and the results of the study were as follows; First, Based on the recitation of "Seonyu pungryu(仙遊風流)" in the "Cheongsuheon-yugo(聽水軒遺稿),", Dongchangcheon Stream and Gongampungbyeog(孔巖楓壁) were influenced by the outer gardens of the Georyeonjeongwonrim. Second, Small pavilion was built and arranged under the rock of Byeongam(Byeongpungbawi) in the management history of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion. The records show that Cheongsuheon used the Geoyeonjeong Pavilion as the original forest and even recognized Oewon, which is a scenic influence, as the Gongampungbyeog Cliff. Third, Many of the poems related to Gongam were recognized as Seunggyeong, which represents the Unmun area, and the eight scenery of Cheongdo and Unmungugok were established here as proof that Gongampungbyeog Cliff was very faithful to the traditional Seunggyeong aspect of Gongampungbyeog Cliff, and the crystalline structure of the location was implied as an external source of Geoyeonjeongwonlim. Fourth, The lower part of Dongchangcheon Stream, which stretches from Geoyeonjeongwonrim to Gongam, is filled with attractions consisting of cancerous areas such as Punghodae, Moseongam, Buangdae, Gokcheondae, Saganjeong, Hakgadae, and Hyeongjeam, which provide a clearer picture of the space and landscape of the Geyeonjeongwonrim Outer Garden. Fifth, The expression "dragging water, spilling it into the courtyard, and sending it back to the downtown of the field" of the Cheongsuheon-yugo suggests that the site of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion was originally a prevention. It is also inferred that Cheng Shu-heon also wanted to respect runners and pursue natural views like runners. Sixth, The record of planting a description of spring water and willow trees in "Geoyeonjeong Manyeong(居然亭晩影)」" and "Sanggukseol(霜菊說)」" suggests that the chrysanthemum was planted and planted, and that the chrysanthemum was used to describe the Osanggojeol(傲霜孤節), which means that he would not yield and keep his incision alone despite severe frost. Seventh, It is believed that the writing was written by Cheongsuheon in 1844 during the period of the creation of the Wonrim. The rock letters on the floor of Geoyeonjeong suggest the names of the receiving and the winning prizes. Most of the passages are based on nuclear power plants, including Muidogyo of the Zhuzi, and most of them incorporate the virtues of the Gunja and the natural views of the Eunja. In addition, the rock writing 'Gyeong(敬)' or 'Uidang(義堂)' is a substitute for special worship objects or introspection, adding to the significance and scenic properties of the Georyeon Garden Forest.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.223-248
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• 2012

This research is to investigate his creative perspective to Deahak through Seoktan Lee Shin-Ui's Daehakcharok. Lee Shin-Ui is a scholar and politician in the middle of Joseon Dynasty. His ancestral home is Jeonui. The honor name is Gyeongchik and pen name is Seoktan. The posthumous name is MunJeong. His Daehakcharok was written in the process of taking basic foundation as the politic leader. It was a record that he usually wrote down things realized after reading Deahakjanggu. Seoktan clearly classified the meaning of Jang (chapter) and Gu (phrase) as the structure of Deahakjanggu, and created new realm about the method of classified study. In the preface of Deahakjanggu, he emphasized that the core of Deahak is in Gyeong (敬, respect or honor), and clarified that Deahak deals with Sim (心, mind) and Seong (性, human nature). In the interpretation of Daehakdeajeon, he thought that the core of Samgangnyeong (三綱領, three doctrines or essential principles) depended on Myeong (明, realizing), Shin (新, taking re-newness), and Ji (止, achieving) as the meaning of 'realizing, taking re-newness, and achieving', and interpreted the context of Tao (道, the way), Myeong (明, realizing), and Deuk (德, virtue) in detail. In addition, he interpreted various concepts and meaning of Deahak with Myeongmyeongdeuk (明明德, realizing human nature) and Sinmin (新民, renewing people) as relationship with Ji(知, realization), Haeng(行, practice), Che(體, main structure), and Yong (用, dealing with), and developed Neo-Confucianism deeply. In case of the main interpretation of Deahakjanggu, he analytically reviewed 50 phrases one by one throughout 10 total chapters. In case of chapter five which includes Zhuzi's the theory of Gyeokmul (格物, approaching things or persons), he interpreted it in three parts and classified Gyeokmulchiji (格物致知, approaching things or persons and then realizing their nature) about researching deeply of principle and each thing, and Mulgyeokjiji (物格知至, approaching things or persons and then realizing them) about all things. He arranged in order of 'principle- researching-result' as well. In final, chapter ten showing the core of politic thought emphasized the way of Hyeolgu (?矩, considering others' situation through his/her own experience) intensively and informed that it is the best virtue for a governor.