• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.147
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• pp.333-356
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• 2018

Shang Yang was a person who, as a representative of the former School of Law, not only had an effect of thought on Han Fei Tzu, but also put a cornerstone of Qin Shi Huang's great universal unification by placing small and weak Qin Dynasty in a border area in the rank of a newly rising powerful nation. He is especially regarded as a person who valued laws and established the theoretical framework of legalist thought of School of Law systematically. To begin with, this writing examines the contents of the enforcement of legal reforms relevant to the prerequisite of Shang Yang's legal thought in historical archives, and confirms that Shang Yang succeeded in accomplishing legal reforms twice and that the aim of the legal reforms was to realize national prosperity and military power for the universal unification. This writing also takes notice of the fact that Shang Yang's legal thought went through specific steps for unifying the legal authority and the power of the monarch. Especially this writing focuses on applying the three-step theory of norms that was presented in the western social and political norm theory to Shang Yang's legal thought and on examining the characteristic and meaning explicitly. In short, the social and political norms go through emergence, cascade, and internalization. This writing aims to confirm that Shang Yang's legal thought also went through these three steps and was specified. Specifying this critical mind, this writing is a result which discusses that Shang Yang's legal thought went though the steps of the selective prescriptivism of emergence, the monarchical absolutism through sever punishment, and the internal monarchism for national prosperity and military power, and that the thought was systemized. Finding that the contents of Shang Yang's legal thought correspond to the three-step theory of norms and produce the individual meaning is the independent characteristic of this writing. It is the aim of this writing that the system and meaning of Shang Yang's legal thought will be confirmed more explicitly through this contextual examination.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.127-155
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• 2018

This paper considers the structure and meaning of the folktale accompaniment of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree. The review process examined the meaning of each structure of the UlsanSoeburisoree in the preparation process while preparing the main elements of the structural features along with the historical background of the structure. UlsanSoeburisoree is Poongcheol ritual ceremony which means prayer ceremony for the production of iron. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree is 1-Gilnori 2-Gosa 3-The sound of blowing smelting process 4-The sound of process of iron smelting 5-The sound of tabooline 6-The sound of blowing smelting process 7-The sound of blowing matches 8-The After-party. This structure is in line with the structure of folk play called Gilnory-Gosa-Performance-After-party. This is similar to the basic structure of folk beliefs Cheongsin(請神)-Osin(娛神)-Songsin(送神). Thus, the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree was formulated in a sequential parallel structure. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree resemble the sacrifice of heaven ceremony since the time of the SamHan dynasty. The sound of the birth of life by physical sacrifice also plays the role of the song of creation of new life. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree can be seen not only in Korea 's folk culture but also in folk culture of GyeongnamDo area. There are many festivals to pray for the abundance of life for UlsanSoeburisoree. Soil plays an absolute role in the process of producing iron. For those who soak it, the earth is a religious object. Among the folk tales handed down in the Yeongnam area, there are a lot of performances that are passed down through the blending of the people 's affection to overcome the harshness of life. In the case of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree, it can be said that it was made and mixed with the wind that wanted to go beyond the harshness of life and the spirit of art.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.257-257
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• 2018

Xinxu(新序) was published in Korea by 1492. Among the existing editions, the editions that can confirm the realities are the collections of Keimyung University, the Korean Studies Central Research Institute, Kyonggi University, Hujodang(後彫堂), and the National Assembly Library of Japan. The Keimyung University's precious book is the 'first published book', and the old book is the 'later published book' which covers pages 69-70 and 71-72 of the first published book. It is the 'later published book' that has the same side inscribed. The second books, the Central Research Institute of Korea Studies and the Kyonggi University Collection are the first published books, and the Hujodang and the National Assembly Library of Japan are on pages 9-10, 63-64, 87-88, 107-108. The corresponding side is the 'later published book'. Comparing the editions, it can be concluded that the existing editions of the previous editions have been withdrawn two times, and in the latter editions, the existing editions of four editions can also be confirmed to have been edited three times. In this paper, the literature based on the existing editions was studied and features of the Korean edition were presented. First, we examine the types of paragraphs. In principle, the text is composed of '11 lines and 18 characters', but on the actual version, the number of characters is shown in the table. In the Korean edition of the Joseon dynasty, a blank space appears in the original text. The erroneous letter in the Joseon book was identified the reason for the error was explained in detail.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.86-113
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• 2014

This study has researched the characteristics and elements of Chwibyeong (翠屛), a sort of trellis in the Joseon Dynasty through the old documents, and the original form of Chwibyeong at Juhapru (宙合樓) in Changdeuk Palace. The results were as follow. First, as the result of literatures analysis for Imwon-gyeongje-ji (林園經濟志) and Jeungbo-sallim-gyeongje (增補山林經濟), the plant screen was classified as kinds of support[frame] material, plants and methods of planting. It was found that the supports of Chwibyeong were made of bamboo or the material such as the Jinjangmok (眞長木: a stick of oak) and Giryu (杞柳: Salix purpurea var. japonica). The evergreen coniferous trees including Pinus densiflora, Taxus cuspidata and Thuja orientalis were mainly used for the plant material of Chwibyeong. The general planting method of Chwibyeong was to plant on the ground, but sometimes the container planting was also found on the artificial ground. Second, the term of 'Chwibyeong' in the literatures was used in only the screen made by evergreen trees, and the superordinate category term of it was indicated by 'byeong (屛)'. Therefore Chwibyeong was a compound word formed from 'chwi (翠)' which means the characteristics of evergreen and 'byeong' as tree screen which the support was made by bamboo. And Chwibyeong had semantic context which was combined with the literary symbolization to describe a landscape of green peak and Taoist ideology be inherent from 'twelve peaks of Musan[巫山十二峰]' in Sichuan sheng (四川省). Thirdly, the photograph of Chwibyeong at Juhapru taken by the 1880s, showed that Chwibyeong was made with coniferous trees and was almost 2 meters high. The Chwibyeong at Juhapru was removed during the Japanese colonial era, but a few yew trees(Taxus cuspidata) used for Chwibyeong are still remaining. And some Juniperus chinensis which the composition time is unclear, were cultivated while hung loose its branchs at the sides of Eosumun (魚水門). This Junipers were presumed to be planted by Japanese after Japanese annexation of Korea(1910), and it was judged that both of the roofs of Eosumun's side gates might have been transformed into Japanese style at the same time. Lastly, Chwibyeong at Juhapru was restored in 2008 but it was restored in wrong way from original form without precise research. Especially Chwibyeong was restored with Sasa boreralis which is damaged by frost, so it requires exertion that should revive the originals to plant original material as much as possible. And it needs the development of fabrication technique for Chwibyeong and the application to current landscape architecture.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.2
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• pp.20-55
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• 2016

Koguryo's tomb mural paintings in North Korea are our precious cultural heritage which have been designated as UNESCO World Heritage property receiving high praise in the following criterion, i) exceptional creativeness of human being, ii) representative value showing the stage of development in construction history of East-Asia, iii) aesthetic superiority iv) uniqueness of building construction including tombs' ceiling. Mural paintings have been found from almost 100 tombs of the Koguryo dynasty out of 130 which are scattered across Huanren County, Lianoning Province, Ji'an, Jilin Province in China and Pyongyang in North Korea. Especially, most of them are gathered in Pyongyang from 4th and 5th century. Peculiarly, some of them have been constructed before King Jangsu's transfer of the capital to Pyongyang(AD 427). It can be regarded that Pyongyang territory had been under control of Koguryo and to become a new capital in the near future. And dense emergence of such tombs since the capital transfer from Gungnae City to Pyongyang during the reign of Jangsu is linked closely to the construction of tombs for rulers under strengthen royal authority of Jangsu and centralized system of authoritarian rule. Tomb mural paintings describe the owner's figure pictorially based on the truth just as in his living years. General lifestyles of ruling powers and sovereigns can be seen from the wall paintings portraying several buildings with various styles, figures, manners of living, which are considered that the tomb owner had led politically and sociologically in his life. In spite of not enough proofs to approve figure of architectures or "Gong-Po" in wall paintings on the tombs as those of Koguryo, it is persuasive with consideration for painting and decoration inside the tomb like wooden building in real life for the purpose of reenacting and continuing the tomb owner's luxurious life after death. "Du-Gong-Po-Zak" had appeared in company with Koguryo tomb murals and it can be found in most of the murals. And the emergence of substantial "Gong-Po-Do" can be counted more than a century ahead of the figure in murals. It could be a reasonable assumption as regards Koguryo tomb murals time of appearance match up with production period of Gahyungmyunggi(家形明器) and Hwasangseok(畵像石) Hwasangjeon(畵像塼) Design in the Mural Painting of the East-Han(東漢) Ancient Tombs in China. On this study, architectural "Gong-Po"s described in Koguryo tomb murals are categorized largely in "Bi(non)-Po-Zak-kye", "Jun(semi)-Po-Zak-kye", and "Po-Zak-kye" based on presence of "Ju-Du", "Cheom-Cha", and "Cheom-Cha-Sal-Mi" with developmental aspect, and, "Po-zak" is subdivided as "Bi(non)-Cheul-Mok" and "Cheul-Mok" types.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.104-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.4
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• pp.24-43
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• 2015

Since 2011, when Oegyujanggak Uigwe(Records of the State Rites of the Joseon Dynasty) were returned from France, which were looted in 1866 by the French Navy, national attention to our cultural properties abroad was explosively increased and public pressure has been mounting that those cultural properties should be returned in Korea. According to the statistics of "Overseas Korean Cultural Heritage Foundation" Korean cultural Properties, which exist in foreign countries, amounts 160,342 in total 20 countries. Among them about half of them are estimated to be illegally exported cultural property, these are to be restituted. However, in reality it is not so easy to restitute illegally exported cultural properties. For this, it needs to be established a long-term and systematic plan for return of cultural properties from other countries. This paper starts from such a critical mind and tries to find legal policy measures for the return of illegally exported cultural properties. To this end, the author first describes motive and aim of this research in chapter I. and overviews basic understanding and current situation of export of cultural property as well as means and methods of return of cultural property in chapter II. and then deals with international and national norms that are involved in the dispute concerned return of cultural properties in chapter III. Based on this research, in chapter IV., which can be considered as a key part of this paper, the author proposed nine legal policy measures for restitution of cultural properties from foreign countries. That is, actual condition survey of cultural properties in foreign countries, unified management and implement of export ID on cultural properties, fund-raising for the diversification of means of return of cultural properties. local utilization of cultural properties, joining in the multilateral conventions and expansion of the bilateral agreements, restitution and cooperation through international organizations, restitution through lawsuit and arbitration, training experts on restitution of cultural property and networking with foreign experts. Finally, the author summarized his opinion in chapter V. which comprehended researching the above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.120-145
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• 2018

This study intended to examine the drainage facility of Gyeongbokgung Palace based on the traces of the relic found during the excavation survey. Historical records indicate that various efforts have been made for smooth drainage facility for the palace since the foundation of the Joseon Dynasty. Although there are no drawings showing the image of early appearance of Gyeongbokgung Palace during the foundation, it is possible to estimate it through the drawings prepared after the King Yeongjo's reign. The image of the palace after reconstruction can be seen through the "Bukgwoldohyeong" and other relevant documents. At this present, since the survey intends to determine the image of Gyeongbokgung Palace during the reign of King Gojong based on the standard restoration plan of the Cultural Heritage Administration, this study also focused on the drainage facility of Gyeongbokgung Palace during King Gojong's reign, particularly on the collecting wells and culverts of six areas including "Chimjeon Hall", "Taewonjeon Hall", "Geoncheongung Hall", "Sojubang Hall", "Hamhwadang - Jipgyeongdang - Yeonghundang Hall", and "Heungbokjeon Hall". Gyeongbokgung Palace is divided into various zones composed of the central halls and surrounding corridors, and the drains also primarily start from each hall and later join the central drain of the zone. The central drain then leads to the "Eo-gu(御溝)" and the water led to the "Eo-gu" is finally discharged through the water gate. It appears that this series of processes were basically devised to coordinate artificial drain with the natural drain using the natural geographical features of the palace. Research showed that the collecting well where the draining begin was installed in the area where a large amount of household sewage was generated but mostly in the corners where corridors met or corridors and wall met. This appears to be an arrangement to handle the water falling from the roof and household sewage. Also, "Ju(廚)" was installed mainly at the end of the corridor to handle household sewage. The installation of these drainage facilities shows the possibility that the drainage of Gyeongbokgung was very compact under a series of plans.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.164-179
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• 2014

The Buddhas of the Three Words in a form of arranging Bhaiṣajyaguru and $Amit{\bar{a}}bha$ at its side based on ${\acute{S}}{\bar{a}}kyamuni$ at the center is enshrined in Daeungbojeon Hall of Daeheungsa Temple located at Haenam. So far, this Buddhas of the Three Words has been known as a wooden Buddha statue. However, as a result of X-ray screening, in left/right Buddha statues excepting main Buddha, wood and molding clay layer were observed at the same time. Therefore, this study intended to observe its internal structure, grafting method and to clarify making technique of Buddha statue during Joseon era based on image information being obtained through X-ray screening of The Buddhas of the Three Words of Daeheungsa Temple. As its result, it was revealed that form of ${\acute{S}}{\bar{a}}kyamuni$ was completed by mainly grafting 5 pieces of timber and this statue shows a typical wood grafted Buddha statue during Joseon era. Form of Bhaiṣajyaguru and $Amit{\bar{a}}bha$ were completed based on molding technique by applying clay on sculpture similar to its appearance after sculpturing more than 10 pieces of timber through its grafting. In other words, internal timber is considered to play a role of its core and grafting method of timber is more close to a technique of molding Buddha statue than to that of wooden Buddha statue during Joseon era. However, clay was directly applied on timber thinly, not applying clay thickly on it after winding straw rope on wooden core and its characteristic is that its facial area was completely composed of wooden construction only. Therefore, it is hard to rule out a possibility that the original sculpturing intention of an artist might be a wooden Buddha statue but in view of the fact that a word, 'molding' was used in a record of relics buried in statue, it could be seen that this Buddha statue might have been recognized as a molding statue at the time when creation of this statue was completed. It is considered that number of case of making statue based on this technique would be more increased when more results of X-ray screening should be accumulated and if more data should be collected, it would provide a significant evidence for identifying chronological, regional aspects of making technique of Buddha statue.