• International Journal of Contents
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• 제16권3호
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• pp.66-86
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• 2020

With the rapid growth of high-tech, the development of cultural and creative industries has gradually become the focus of national industrial development. With the proposal of China's "Belt and Road" strategy, the role of cultural and creative industries in the provinces and cities along the "Belt and Road" in the entire international trade is becoming increasingly critical. It is necessary to explore solutions to improve the competitiveness of China's cultural and creative industries, factoring the surrounding cities of the "Belt and Road" as an example. Thus, this paper proposes the six-element diamond model based on innovation capability and government support to render a comprehensive evaluation of the competitiveness of the cultural and creative industries in the 31 provinces and cities across the country. The results show that the overall competitiveness of the 18 provinces and cities along the "Belt and Road" cultural and creative industries is weak. Focusing on the 18 provinces and cities along the "Belt and Road", using the linear regression measurement model quantitative analysis, the four types of influencing factors affecting the development of the competitiveness of cultural and creative industries along the "Belt and Road" were obtained. Finally, according to the four types of influence, the competitiveness improvement plan is proposed from the four aspects: government role, consumption preference, industrial innovation ability, and the introduction of high-quality talent.

• 수산해양교육연구
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• 제28권6호
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• pp.1695-1705
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• 2016

With the rapid development of global economic and trade, the ports in the North-east Asia region have developed greatly. In such a fierce competition, how to ascertain right evaluation methods to assess the competitiveness of the ports, and make scientific and rational development strategy for upgrading the overall level of competitiveness of ports in North-east Asia, has become the first task for all the ports for coping with the challenges. As China's sustained economic growth of more than 30 years, the economic power and comprehensive national strength has been changed, China's international status has been greatly improved. Also China has achieved remarkable new results in the construction of peripheral diplomacy, and further has consolidated the relationship of countries along the Silk Road Economic Belt. The strong position of RMB in foreign exchange market and the implementation of the strategy of "area" opening to the outside world accelerated economic belt along the silk road in China to the west open pace. On the basis of the SWOT analysis of the Lianyungang Port, combined with the comprehensive and practical port competitiveness evaluation indicators system and competitiveness evaluation method, calculate the competitiveness level of Lianyungang port in East China, and find out the problems must be solved. The development strategies for Lianyungang port under One Belt One Road were suggested.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제20권2호
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• pp.210-236
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• 2021

China's Belt and Road Initiative infrastructure connectivity and other projects are presented in much of the discourse as a grand strategy to trap developing nations in debt, to exert asymmetric power and construct a new world economic order. The asymmetric relationship between China and Myanmar might therefore be expected to generate a range of political risks for stakeholders. Myanmar itself presents a "perfect storm" of problems, with dysfunctional governance, civil conflict, under-development and growing economic dependence on China. The Kyaukphyu port project and associated Special Economic Zone in Myanmar's troubled Rakhine state is investigated as a case study of risks on the Belt and Road. While worst case fears China might seize military control of the port appear unlikely, at least in current conditions, empirical observation indicates the complexity on the ground generates an array of other risks - as well as opportunities, should conditions allow. Further, despite challenges and constrained capacity, Myanmar governments have demonstrated agency, including by re-negotiating control and costs of the Kyaukphyu project. The case underlines that conditions are more complicated than simply China's asymmetric power. A sceptical approach is taken to normative discourses in order to build inductive understanding of how stakeholders and local experts perceive dynamics underway. A political risk approach is deployed to develop a framework to identify, analyse and assess risks for actors in relation to the Kyaukphyu project. The research findings are presented on an interim basis, given current constraints on field interviews due to the current crisis.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제22권9호
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• pp.283-297
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• 2022

본 연구는 중국기업의 '일대일로' 연선 국가에 대한 직접투자 전략과 구조를 더닝(Dunning)의 OLI 패러다임 관점에서 분석하였다. 중국기업의 '일대일로' 연선 국가에 대한 투자는 크게 두 가지 전략적 목적에서 추진 되었다. 하나는 '일대일로' 연선 국가의 자원보유 특성상 에너지자원 확보를 위한 투자이고, 또 다른 하나는 중국 국내경제의 문제인 과잉설비 문제를 해결하기 위한 이전(移轉) 투자이다. 중국기업의 이러한 '일대일로' 연선 국가에 대한 투자는 더닝이 OLI 패러다임에서 제기하고 있는 투자 결정 조건, 즉 소유권 우위와 지역특유의 우위 그리고 내부화 우위를 갖춘 가운데 투자를 진행한 것으로 평가된다. 다만 차이가 있다면, 이 지역이 갖는 특수성으로 인해 자원보유 현황 및 제도적 환경의 영향 외에 국제관계의 이해관계 구도, 종교적 갈등 문제와 문화적 이질성 그리고 이 지역 국가들의 중국기업에 대한 인식의 문제 등의 영향으로 투자국가와 투자방식 그리고 투자업종을 달리하고 있다는 점이다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.144-176
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• 2015

In September 2013, President Park Geun-hye announced her controversial "Look North" policy, of which the most salient aspect is the "Eurasia Initiative". This comprises various proposals designed to overcome existing constraints by developing new markets and creating new economic partners in continental areas from which South Korea has been alienated since the end of World War II, and this dovetails nicely with China's One Belt, One Road Initiative. The concepts of the "Silk Road Rail Express (SRX)" and the "East Sea Rim Maritime Community (ESRMC)" have also been discussed. SRX is at present a purely symbolic railroad project intended to encourage individual, cultural, trade and diplomatic exchanges. ESRMC is a model for establishing an ad hoc community to promote regional economic cooperation around the East Sea. President Park's Eurasia Initiative will provide South Korean investment for the Northeast to complement Russian plans, like the "Northern Energy Road" being built by Gazprom, and Chinese plans, like the Chang-Ji-Tu Development Plan for the North Korean port of Rajin. China's trade, as well as its energy and food supplies, pass through the Strait of Malacca and the Indian Ocean, and are thus vulnerable to interdiction by India or the US. China is therefore trying to reduce its exposure geopolitical risk by establishing a network of corridors between the Belt and the Road to provide alternative paths. The "China-Pakistan Economic Corridor" and the "China-Myanmar Economic Corridor" provide such connections, and South Korea hopes that SRX and ESRMC can become part of a "China-South Korea Economic Corridor". This concept could do much to revitalize the underdeveloped northern provinces of China and Russia's Far East, not to mention North Korea. By linking up the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Trans-China Railway, the Trans-Mongolian Railway and the Trans-Korean Railway all these Asian countries will be connected to one another, and ultimately to Europe. An interim connection between China and South Korea using a rail-ferry has also been proposed.

• 융합정보논문지
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• 제8권5호
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• pp.251-261
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• 2018

중국은 ICT 기술의 발전에 힘입어 스마트 농업분야에서 선진국을 급격히 추격하고 있다. 본 논문에서는 추격이론을 이용하여, 중국의 양대 국가 전략인 중국제조2025와 일대일로 전략이 스마트농업을 발전시키는데 있어서 어떻게 "기회의 창"을 제공하는지 분석하고자 한다. 시간 차원의 기술 선진화 전략인 '중국제조2025'와 공간 차원의 시장 확대 전략인 '일대일로' 정책이 T자형 상승 작용을 이루어 스마트 농업의 발전을 이끌고 있음을 단계 생략형, 경로 창출형, 경로 추종형 3가지 유형으로 나누어 설명하였다. 한국 스마트 농업의 주요 수출 시장이며, 글로벌 시장에서 강력한 경쟁자인 중국 스마트 농업에 대한 이해를 통해 한국 스마트 농업의 해외진출 전략에 대한 시사점을 도출하였다.

• 해양안보
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.71-123
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• 2021

한국 정부는 미국 주도의 인도-태평양 전략 (Indo-Pacific Strategy, IPS)과 중국의 일대일로 계획 (Belt and Road Initiative, BRI) 간 양자택일이라는 점차 커져가는 압박을 마주하고 있다. 이에 따라, 이 연구는 한국 국가 정책 과제의 맥락에서 IPS와 BRI를 상세히 분석해 본다. Daniel Nexon and Thomas Wright (2007)의 네트워크 구조 연구를 기반으로, 이 연구는 IPS와 BRI에 각각 특정한 네트워크 구조를 규정하고자 한다. 이 분석을 통해 핵심국과 참가국 간의 관계를 설명할 수 있다. IPS 와 BRI의 특정 구성에 대한 이해는 참가국이 각 네트워크에서 기대할 수 있는 바를 나타내므로 중요하다. Nexon and Wright에 따르면, 네트워크 구조에는 단극성 무정부 상태, 헤게모니적 질서, 헌법적 질서, 제국적 질서의 네 가지 유형이 있다. 이를 바탕으로 IPS는 헌법적 질서를, BRI는 제국적 질서를 가지고 있는 것으로 분석된다. 따라서, 이 연구는 IPS 참여가 중국과의 BRI 파트너십보다 독립적인 외교 정책을 가능케 할 여지가 크다는 점을 한국 정부에 제안한다. IPS 참여를 통해 한국은 국가 안보 측면에서 이익을 누릴 수 있고, 보다 유리한 지역 권력 균형을 달성할 수 있을 것이다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제17권1호
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• pp.112-129
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• 2018

Produced by Chinese local television stations, Maritime Silk Road is a documentary which adopts ancient Maritime Silk Road as a historical nostalgia to interpret "the Belt and Road Initiative", a contemporary Chinese economic, political, and cultural strategy put forward by Chinese government mainly aiming at the countries of Southeast Asia. The main body of this article has three parts and the first part analyses how the documentary adopts computer-generated imagery (CGI) to create a historical nostalgia about ancient Maritime Silk Road in the period of Imperial China. At the same time, this part also presents a sense of diasporic nostalgia of the overseas Chinese. This historical and diasporic nostalgia is related to Chinese President Xi Jinping's political discourse: "Chinese dream" that propagandises to build a strong China put forward by Xi in 2013. The second part analyses how this historical and diasporic nostalgia legitimates Xi's "Chinese dream" and how it responds to recent territorial dispute when China continuously claims its territorial sovereignty in the South China Sea. In this light, the documentary repeatedly mentions two political rhetoric: "coexistence" (gongcun) and "mutual benefit"(huli gongying) as a practical strategy to deal with the dispute between China and some countries of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). In the third section, the concept of "community of common destiny" (mingyun gongtongti) is adopted by the documentary to depict a convenient and effective organization of China and ASEAN, which is framed as an ultimate goal that Chinese government is depicted as the potential leader of this nostalgic community. At the same time, by providing different and even opposite viewpoints, this article discusses three controversial political rhetoric to present how historical and diasporic nostalgia is politicalized and served for Chinese diplomacy and national interest. Overall, this article argues that the documentary creates a glorious ancient Maritime Silk Road, as a sense of nostalgia, to expand China's economic and political influence, to respond to the controversial issues, and to reassert China's leadership as the centre of Asia.

• 지식경영연구
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.59-88
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• 2020

중국의 신(新)실크로드 구상인 일대일로(一帶一路) 전략은 중국 내륙지역을 중심으로 한 육상 실크로드와 연해지역을 중심으로 한 해상 실크로드로 나뉜다. 육상 실크로드는 대외교류 확대를 위해 주변 인접국가와의 인프라 연결 및 무역원활화 추진에 더욱 역점을 두고 있다. 해상 실크로드는 해상 인프라 구축과 해양 협력 강화를 일대일로 전략의 핵심으로 제시하고 있다. 본 연구에서는 일대일로의 오통 중에 경제협력과 가장 관련이 깊은 인프라, 자금, 무역 부문의 일대일로 진행상황에 대해 데이터를 기반으로 평가를 개괄하고, 아시아 국가와 특히 중국의 경제에 의존도가 심화되고 있는 북한의 일대일로 전략의 진행상황을 분석하였다. 중국은 일대일로 전략을 아시아 국가들과 인프라 연결을 위한 협력 체계 및 계획을 수립하고 협력 프로젝트를 추진해왔다. 그러나 아직까지 관련 프로젝트의 실행은 초기 단계에 머물러 있는 것으로 파악된다. 자금융통은 그 수준이 높지 않으며 지역별, 국가별, 항목별 격차가 크고 앞으로도 빠른 발전은 어려워 보인다. 무역창통 수준은 인프라 연결이나 자금융통보다 활발하게 무역교류와 투자협력이 이루어지고 있음을 보여주고 있다. 최근 글로벌 경기 침체에 따라 중국의 전체 무역량은 감소하였지만 일대일로 아시아 국가들과 무역규모는 크게 증가하였으며, 투자협력도 직접투자규모가 크게 증대되고 있음을 파악하였다. 아울러 일대일로 추진에 있어서 중국의 ICT 기업의 활약이 두드러지면서 중국의 디지털 일대일로가 아시아국가로 빠르게 확산되고 있다. 중국의 ICT기업은 일대일로의 인접국가인 동남아를 공략하면서 기술 수출과 콘텐츠 수출 등의 방식을 통해 현지에 서비스와 기술 지원을 제공하고, 문화 융합을 추진하는 등 디지털 트랜스포메이션을 주도하고 있다.