• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.115-135
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• 2007

The purpose of this study was to investigate the complementary gender division of housework in the Yangban ruling class of the Choson period. During the Choson period, genders were distinctly divided. It was generally regarded that women had to stay indoors and take care of household matters, while men, on the other hand, did not need to be concerned with housework because of the Confucian practice of "Naeoe". But homes in traditional society were considered as being at the center of production, so the study explores if women and men complemented each other through reviewed literature. As the results indicate, women and men in the Choson period complemented each other in some housework, even in the Yangban ruling class who maintained their authority by following the Confucian practice. From the findings, it can be concluded that the complementary relations between women and men in the Choson period should be emphasized as the origin of shared housework.

• Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.225-232
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• 2013

The spatial separation of male's and female's area due to the law of 'Naeoei' is one of the trademark features of residence by the building principle of 'Confucianism' in the upper class house in the late of the Chosun Dynasty. Thanks to modernized agriculture and commerce, the residence of 'Sinheung-Yangban' developed. And they were influenced by the economic and living characteristics than traditional custom. So the residence of 'Sinheung-Yangban' is very important in terms of the course of modernizing of the korean traditional residence. Researcher figures out the influences of the law of 'Naeoei' in residence and the characteristics of male's and female's field in terms of daily life with investigating the residence of 'Sinheung-Yangban' as the upper class house in the late of the Chosun Dynasty. Through this, the goal of this study is to find the properties of male's and female's field of upper class houses in the late of the Chosun Dynasty. With this study, the followings are the characteristics of male's and female's spatial composition of upper class houses in Gyong-gi Province in the late of the Chosun Dynasty. First, the traditional law of 'Naeoei' plays a primary role as the principle of building of upper class houses in Gyong-gi Province in the late of the Chosun Dynasty. With a natural result, there is a clear spatial separation as the male's and female's social role. Second, 'An-Chae' and 'Sarang-Chae' as male's and female's living space are separated physically, but real living life tends to be syntagmatically made with 'An-Madang' as the center. Third, spatial integration of 'An-Madang' as the center results in the development of architectural connection factors of 'An-Chae' and 'BaKat-Chae' adjoining 'An-Madang', facing 'Toei-Gan', 'Maru', and 'door'. Forth, the boundary of male's and female's areas is relatively clear between dwellers and visitors, but on the other hand, the separation of male's and female's spaces between family members has little significance.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.19-28
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to identify the form and components, decoration and locality of pyongnangans(平欄干) in Yangban's Houses(32 Houses) in Gyeongbuk region, The results of this study, which were carried out through both survey and on-site study, are as below. First, Pyongnangans of Gyeongbuk region Yangban's Houses can be classified into 4 different types, which are (1)Mureum type, (2)Gyoran(交欄) type, (3)Mureum-Saldae combination type, (4)Simplified Saldae type. And these 4 types are again subdivided into eight types, depending on differences of both detailed form and framework. Gyoran type are the most common cases in Yangban's Houses of Gyeongbuk region, whose number is followed by the order of Mureum type, Mureum-Saldae combination type and Simplified Saldae type Pyongnangans. Decorative 亞 shaped Gyoran type are more set up in Sarangchaes than in Anchaes, and this was because Decorative Gyorans are more appropriate to show the Social status and class of a patriarch than humble Mureum type. Pyongnangans of Yangban's Houses in Gyeongbuk region have their peculiarities in the exclusion of decorativeity, by consistent use of plain single-layer Pyongnangans. A certain locality is reflected on the types and detailed forms of Pyonnangans. Mureum type are widely found in Gyeoungju region Yangban's Houses, while Gyoran type were more often used in Andong region. In Bonghwa region, Mureum-Saldae combination type are found in large quantities. This was due to the locational chateristics of Sarangchaes in Bonghwa region, which were usually built on steep slopes.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.143-191
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• 2019

This research argues that Pansori had patrons in its development. Patrons are commonly discussed aspect of history of any art form. Pansori is no exception. While Pansori originally began as the art of the common people, Yangban class became the primary audience. This paper examines the role of royal family of Choson dynasty in development of Pansori. Heungseon Daewongun (흥선대원군) in particular was a Pansori aficionado. The record around Daewongun's involvement to Pansori proves that heavy monetary investment was made. He hosted Pansori competitions and sponsored creation of Pansori tradition, Boseong Sori (보성소리) and Gangsanje (강산제). Also the aspect of Pansori patronage lies not just in Yangban class, but also in Jung'in class, which is roughly analoguous to European bourgeois in that they were not of Yangban class, but had gained monetary status, and had aesthetics of both Yangban and commoner class. I argue that Heungseon Daewongun's ties to the Jung'in class is reflected in his actions towards Pansori artists. The traditions he had sponsored have important characteristics, including sophisticated lyrics heavily utilizing Classical Chinese poetry, highly artistic musical composition, and conservative Confucian ethics. Those characteristics indicate that the Pansori traditions sponsored by the royal patrons have changed to cater to their artistic taste and philosophy. This paper conducts a textual comparative analysis between Gangsanje Pansori Jeokbyeokga (강산제 판소리 적벽가), Dongpyeonje's Pansori Jeokbyeokga (동편제 판소리 적벽가), and Seopyeonje Pansori Jeokbyeokga, who share the same plot yet offers a stark differences in tone, philosophy, and sense of humor. Daewongun was a primary sponsor of Pansori, which proves that Yangban class and the royal family have played important role as patrons of Pansori.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.179-204
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• 2017

Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.54 no.3
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• pp.1-11
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• 2004

As Confucian ideology dominated all over the society, the androcentric patriarchical society in the last of Chosun Dynasty produced the unequal power relationship between man and woman. It was traditional hostesses(kisaengs) who uniquely had an occupation among the women in this society. In modern society. they are reinterpreted as 'fashion leaders' or 'professional career women with expert knowledge and it caused a lot of the studies of them to be in a progression vigorously. Therefore this paper studied on the influence of the traditional hostesses(kisaengs) -who were educated and permitted in ther social activity formally in a Confuanism-governed society which forbided a woman to participate in a social activity and which did not gave ladies any formal education. The general hostess in the beginning time of the Chosun Dynasty imitated the hair shape of women in the yangban family which formed the highest class in the Chosun Dyansty and it reflected their aspiration for the highest social class. Howerver, coming into the last age of the chosun dynasty, a reverse phenomenon -that women in the yangban family imitated the general hostesses' hairstyle -occured due to the spread of a genre painting ＆ the concubine system. The general hostesses were educated systematically and did social activity and influenced hair shapes as they were independent economically and their influence in the part of hairstyle appeared as great and high EONJIN MEURI and as one-sided EONJIN MEURI. Regarding-as the result of this study on the influence of the traditional hostess's hair shapes on the ladies hair shapes in the last of Chosun Dynasty -that the traditional hostesse of the last age of chosun dynasty played a role as a fashion leader of the ladies at the same age. the general hostesses in Chosun Dynasty should be revaluated... And the study of ladies which were hidden behind the scenes of Confuanism should be made much more.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Korean Journal of Child Studies
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.109-124
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• 2001

This study of 54 folk paintings of the late chosen period analyzed the perception of children of that period. Three types of children's activities were identified: children playing, children working hard, and children studying hard. Only boys participated in these activities along with their parents or grandparents: girls were relegated to the background, along the fence. Conclusions were that people recognized play as a natural part of childhood. children's lives were defined by social status: children of the yangban (upper) class had to study hard for their family's honor while children of the lower classes had to labor for their family's livelihood, children were recognized as members of a family and a community. Boys were considered important because they were heirs to the family fortune: girls were to be supportive of men and family.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.37
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• pp.141-190
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• 2021

In early modern Korea, the founders of three main-stream indigenous new religions, Choi Je-woo (崔濟愚), Kang Il-sun (姜一淳), and Park Jungbin (朴重彬), were all ruined yangban, who could no longer maintain the social dignity of yangban. Prior to their regular religious activities, they earned livings as rural teachers, peasants, merchants, and fortune-tellers. They were marginalized for having declined from upper-class nobles to lower-class people. Due to their subalternal status, they religiously represented the inexpressible aspirations and resentments held by various subalterns. The millennial movements of marginal religions in the late Joseon Dynasty exposed and deviated from the fetters of the established order, but they did not propose a new alternative order to replace it. Unlike these millennial movements, Choi Je-woo, Kang Il-sun, and Park Jungbin all proposed utopian visions of post-subalternal alternative religions that systematically presented and practiced new alternative worldviews characterized by the "Great Opening of the Later World (後天開闢)." The world they longed for was one wherein anti-subalternal social regulation were overthrown, the oppression of various subalterns end, and the established social order was replaced. In this article, I have argued that three main-stream indigenous Korean new religions, Donghak (Eastern Learning), the Jeungsan-inspired religious movements, and Wonbulgyo (Won Buddhism) are utopian alternative religions. I made this argument by analyzing some aspects by which they represented subalterns and offered subalterns a new religio-social status.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.