• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.153-184
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• 2017

During the Pre-Qin(秦) Dynasty era, there were the records that there had been many calendar systems, such as $g{\check{u}}-li{\grave{u}}-l{\grave{i}}$(古六曆 : six ancient calendar systems). Then, the fact that particularly $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) were mainly discussed among them resulted from a lot of discussions from the differences in the calendar system in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)" known to have been written by Confucius from the calendar system in "$X{\acute{i}}ng-xi{\grave{a}}-zh{\bar{i}}-sh{\acute{i}}$(行夏之時 : implement the calendar of Ha dynasty.)" that Confucius mentioned himself to his disciple. $zh{\bar{o}}u-l{\grave{i}}$(周曆) with $d{\bar{o}}ngzh{\grave{i}}-yu{\grave{e}}$(冬至月 : the 11th month of the lunar calendar) as the first month of a year had the system of the lunar calendar, and $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) called as the calendar of Ha(夏) dynasty had the system of $ji{\acute{e}}-q{\grave{i}}-l{\grave{i}}$(節氣曆 : a kind of the solar calendar that divides one year of 365 days into 24 solar terms) with $y{\acute{i}}n-yu{\grave{e}}$(寅月 :one month from the present Feb 5) as the first month of a year. These two calendars had definite differences in the first months of a year, names of seasons, and the lunar calendar and the solar calendar. The fundamental reason why Confucius recommended the performance of $xi{\grave{a}}-l{\grave{i}}$(夏曆) as a way to run the nation was not that it started from the philosophical view of the universe that among the 'three $zh{\bar{e}}ng$'(三正)' of $ti{\bar{a}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(天正 : the first month of a year with the heaven as the standard), $d{\grave{i}}-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(地正 : the first month of a year with the earth as the standard) and $r{\acute{e}}n-zh{\bar{e}}ng$(人正 : the first month of a year with humans as the standard), but that he wanted to emphasize the importance of practical national economic policies to enhance agricultural productivity. It becomes the criterion that even though Confucius emphasized that politicians should not have moral flaws ideally, with regard to public policies, he wanted to stress politicians' duties based on the reality a lot.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.305-328
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• 2006

This paper is a bibliographic analysis on printed books of $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}$(孟子) in Choseon Dynasty. Through examination of the physical characteristics of books in many institutes and private collections, $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}j\acute{i}zh\grave{u}d\grave{a}q\acute{a}n$(孟子集註大全)was systematically explored, which was the most frequently published $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}$(孟子) in Choseon Dynasty. $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}$(孟子) was published mainly in Kyungki and Kyungsang provinces, and in the period of 17C to 19C. There are two streams of $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}j\acute{i}zh\grave{u}d\grave{a}q\acute{a}n$. One is the series of the reprinted edition of $M\acute{i}ngbon$(明本覆刻), originated from Saseookyungdaejun(四書五經大全), compiled by Hokwang(湖廣) and colleagues in $M\acute{i}ng$(明). The second is the series of Chungyuja books(丁酉字本) among movable type books of Choseon(朝鮮活字本), the contents of which being the same as the other stream. Also, $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}d\grave{a}iw\acute{e}n$(孟予大文) and $M\grave{e}ngz\check{i}zh\grave{e}ngw\acute{e}n$(孟子正文) are frequently published.

• Journal for History of Mathematics
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.25-46
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• 2006

We investigate the process of western mathematics into Chosun and its influences. Its initial and middle stages are examined by Choi Suk Jung(崔錫鼎, $1645\sim1715$)'s Gu Su Ryak(九數略), Hong Jung Ha(洪正夏, $1684\sim?$)'s Gu Il Jib(九一集) and Hwang Yun Suk(黃胤錫, $1719\sim1791$)'s I Su Shin Pyun(理藪新編), Hong Dae Yong(洪大容, $1731\sim1781$)'s Ju Hae Su Yong(籌解需用), respectively. Western mathematics was transmitted for the study of the Shi xian li(時憲曆) when it was introduced in Chosun. We also analyze Su Ri Jung On Bo Hae(數理精蘊補解, 1730?) whose author studied $Sh\grave{u}\;l\breve{i}\;j\bar{i}ng\;y\grave{u}n$ most thoroughly, in particular for astronomy, and finally Lee Sang Hyuk(李尙爀, $1810\sim?$), Nam Byung Gil(南秉吉, $1820\sim1869$) who studied together structurally western mathematics.

• Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.709-717
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• 2008

$Ch\acute{e}n\;Xiuyu\acute{a}n$(陳修園) was a famous doctor and educator of the late Tang Dynasty. He was well known both for his books for beginners, and for his unique medical theories based on his profound research of <$Sh\bar{a}ngh\acute{a}nl\grave{u}n$(傷寒論)> and <$J\bar{i}nku\grave{i}y\grave{a}ol\ddot{u}e$>. He wrote <$Y\bar{i}xues\bar{a}nz\grave{i}j\bar{i}ng$(醫學三字經)> to establish the basic textbook for the beginners to set up right principles in pursuing their medical career. <$Y\bar{i}xues\bar{a}nz\grave{i}j\bar{i}ng$> was written in rhyme form, so that it can be easily memorized and used in future practices. There are quite many medical books in rhyme form, but this book is very unique as $Ch\acute{e}n\;Xiuyu\acute{a}n$ annotated his own notes, which is rare in this form of books. This feature makes <$Y\bar{i}xues\bar{a}nz\grave{i}j\bar{i}ng$> very outstanding, also with the fact that $Ch\acute{e}n\;Xiuyu\acute{a}n$ was the one with profound understanding and original theories based on medical bibles such as <$N\grave{e}ij\bar{i}ng$(內經)> and <$Sh\bar{a}ngh\acute{a}nl\grave{u}n$(傷寒論)>. We have translated this precious educational material into korean, hoping that this work could be of any help to students of korean medicine. And while doing this work, we have found followings: <$Y\bar{i}xues\bar{a}nz\grave{i}j\bar{i}ng$> covers the entire fields of medicine from theoretical discussions to practical clinical information. Nevertheless, as this is written in rhyme form, there are few phrases that are not easily understood for the sake of rhyme. Beginners probably may have difficulties in reading this book. To make this difficulty alleviated, and to develop our own educational material, we need to study further on the notes that $Ch\acute{e}n\;Xiuyu\acute{a}n$ annotated himself.

• Journal of Korean Medicine Rehabilitation
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.23-40
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• 2011

Objectives: This study was designed to examine the effects of extracts of Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) on the lipid lowering, anti-oxidation and concentration of proinflammatory cytokines and was investigated on hyperlipidemic rats. Methods: Male rats weighing $182.39{\pm}4.71g$ were fed high fat diet for 8 weeks and 36 rats(above 400 g) were divided into 4 groups. Each of 9 rats was divided a control group and experimental groups. We fed a control group of rats a basal diet and administered normal saline(100 mg/kg, 1 time/1 day) for 4 weeks. And we fed each experimental group of rats basal diet and administered an extract of Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) extracts(100 mg/kg, 200mg/kg, 300 mg/kg, 300 mg/kg, 1 time/1 day) for 4 weeks. At the end of the experiment, the rats were sacrificed to determine their chemical composition. We measured lipid of plasma and liver, concentration of proinflmmatory cytokines, anti-oxidative activity and $TNF-{\alpha}$, Apo-B, Apo-E and leptin gene expression. Results: 1. Concentration of plasma free fatty(FFA) showed no significant difference in all the treatment groups. Concentration of plasma triglyceride(TG) showed a significant decrement in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. 2. Concentration of plasma total cholesterol showed a significant decrement in the 200 and 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. Concentration of plasma low density lipoprotein(LDL)-cholesterol showed a Significant decrement in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. Concentration of plasma high density lipoprotein(HDL)-cholesterol showed a significant increment in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) group. 3. Concentration of liver total cholesterol showed a tendence to decrease in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups. Concentration of liver TG showed a significant decrement in all Ojeoksangamibang groups than that of control group. 4. Concentration of plasma and liver thiobarbituric acid reactive substance(TBARS) showed a tendence to decrease in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups. 5. The values of glutathione peroxidase(GSH-Px), superoxide dismutase(SOD) and catalase(CAT) activity showed a significant increment in all Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups than that of control group. 6. The values of plasma aspartate aminotransferase(AST) and alanine aminotransferase(ALT) activity showed no significant different in all treatment group. 7. Concentration of plasma $interleukin(IL)-1{beta}$ showed no significant difference in all the treatment groups. Concentration of plasma IL-6 showed a significant decrement in the 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) group than that of control group. Concentration of plasma tumor necrosis $factor-{\alpha}(TNF-{\alpha})$ a siginifant decrement in the 200 and 300 mg/kg in Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) group than that of control group. However the concentration of plasma IL-10 in the 300 mg/kg Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups showed a significant increment than that of control group. 9. In the analysis of reverse transcription-polymerase chain reaction(RT-PCR), gene expression of $TNF-{\alpha}$, Apo-B and Apo-E in the Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups showed a lower expression than that of control group. However the gene expression of leptin showed no difference in the treatment groups. 10. The ratio of $TNF-{\alpha}$, Apo-B, and Apo-E per ${\beta}-actin$ expression in the Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) groups showed a significant decrement than that of control group. However The ratio of leptin expression per ${\beta}-actin$ expression showed no significant difference among all the treatment groups. Conclusions: According to above results, in lowering lipid effect, anti-oxidation and control of pro-inflammatory cytokines production, Ojeoksangamibang($W{\check{u}}j\bar{i}s\check{a}nji\bar{a}w\grave{e}if\bar{a}ng$) gives effect.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.255-276
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• 2014

The dispute between China and Japan regarding $Di\grave{a}oy\acute{u}t\acute{a}i$ is believed to be quite similar to the controversy surrounding Dokdo in terms of historical and post-war processes except for the point that the phenomena of occupation is different with regard to Dokdo. China's claim to $Di\grave{a}oy\acute{u}t\acute{a}i$ is based on historical title and continuous use while the basis of Japan's claim is summarized as preoccupancy of ownerless land. Even though Japan acknowledges that China discovered $Di\grave{a}oy\acute{u}t\acute{a}i$, Japan claims that the act to establish sovereignty over the island from the standpoint of International Law was not taken by China. However, at that time, effective occupation was not an essential prerequisite for the acquisition of a territory. That is to say, from a legal perspective, the legal right for an area could be established based on the discovery of the land, and so it is thought that Japan is applying the current criteria of International Law in a manner that is inappropriate. When we review the post-war process, the San Francisco Peace Treaty does not directly mention $Di\grave{a}oy\acute{u}t\acute{a}i$. But based on the said treaty, we can note that Japan gave up all rights for the southern area that is north of the boundary line that equates to latitude $29^{\circ}$ and that includes the Ryuku Islands and $Di\grave{a}oy\acute{u}t\acute{a}i$. Of course, the provisions for the territory in the San Francisco Peace Treaty and its disposal are not the final factor for the judgment regarding dominium of $Di\grave{a}oy\acute{u}t\acute{a}i$. However, it seems clear that Japan's attitude and interpretation regarding the issues of $Di\grave{a}oy\acute{u}t\acute{a}i$, the Kuril Islands and Dokdo is problematic.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.7
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• pp.271-289
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• 2005

Dans cet article, nous discutons de certains $probl{\grave{e}}mes$ syntaxiques en ayant recours $\grave{a}$ la $th{\acute{e}}orie$ linguistique de Milner. Nous remettons en question $l'ind{\acute{e}}pendance$ et $l'identit{\acute{e}}$ de la structure syntaxique, la relation entre le plan syntaxique et le plan lexical, le $caract{\grave{e}}re$ de la $g{\acute{e}}om{\acute{e}}trie$ de la syntaxe, etc.. La discussion est non seulement linguistique mais aussi interdisciplinaire et ${\acute{e}}pist{\acute{e}}mologique$, dans la mesure $o{\grave{u}}$ nous examinons la nature de $l'entit{\acute{e}}$ syntaxique et la $m{\acute{e}}thode$ "scientifique" de la syntaxe qui donne $acc{\grave{e}}s$ $\grave{a}$ $l'entit{\acute{e}}$ syntaxique. Selon Milner, il faut distinguer la place du terme lexical avec la position syntaxique qui est $l'entit{\acute{e}}$ syntaxique. La $premi{\grave{e}}re$ n'est pas syntaxique $\grave{a}$ strictement parler, mais elle, observable contrairement $\grave{a}$ la seconde, sert $\grave{a}$ conjecturer la dimension syntaxique, $c'est-\grave{a}-dire$ le $syst{\grave{e}}me$ positionnel. Le dispositif $th{\acute{e}}orique$ dans la $th{\acute{e}}orie$ linguistique de Milner n'est rien d'autre que l'ensemble des propositions qui permet, en absence d'observatoire, de conjecturer le $syst{\grave{e}}me$ positionnel sur la base du $syst{\grave{e}}me$ des places. Dire $l'ind{\acute{e}}pendance$ de la structure syntaxique revient $\grave{a}$ dire qu'il y a une coupure entre le $syst{\grave{e}}me$ positionnel et le $syst{\grave{e}}me$ des places. Autrement dit, sans cette coupure, on ne peut parler de $l'ind{\acute{e}}pendance$ de la structure syntaxique. Ainsi $distingu{\acute{e}}s$, les deux $syst{\grave{e}}mes$ en cause se mettent en relation soit naturels soit non naturels ou par distorsion $d'apr{\grave{e}}s$ Milner. La relation naturelle est une relation lexico-syntaxique $n{\acute{e}}e$ au moment $o{\grave{u}}$ un terme lexical occupe une position syntaxique dont la $cat{\acute{e}}gorie$ est identique $\grave{a}$ celle de son occupant. A la $diff{\acute{e}}rence$ de cette relation d'occupation naturelle $suppos{\acute{e}}e$ chez Milner comme une tendance du langage naturel, la relation d'occupation non naturelle est "paradoxale" dans le sens $o{\grave{u}}$ elle est produite dans la rencontre plus ou moins "anomale" entre l'occupant lexical et $l'occup{\acute{e}}$ syntaxique. Le $degr{\acute{e}}$ de l'anomalie qu'une langue autorise peut ${\hat{e}}tre$ $mesur{\acute{e}}$ empiriquement et doit ${\hat{e}}tre$ $vari{\acute{e}}$ en fonction de la langue $concern{\acute{e}}e$. Le $caract{\grave{e}re$ $g{\acute{e}}om{\acute{e}}trique$ de la syntaxe $am{\grave{e}}ne$ ${\grave{a}}$ remettre en cause, entre autres, $l'empiricit{\acute{e}}$ et la $mat{\acute{e}}rialit{\acute{e}}$ de la $g{\acute{e}}om{\acute{e}}trie$ syntaxique. En ce qui concerne ces sujets, nos $th{\grave{e}}ses$ sont les suivantes : la nature de la $g{\acute{e}}om{\acute{e}}trie$ syntaxique n'est pas a priori mais empirique ; la $g{\acute{e}}om{\acute{e}}trie$ de la syntaxe peut et doit ${\hat{e}}tre$ construite $\grave{a}$ l'aide de la logique "empirique".

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.48
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• pp.333-368
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• 2012

Dans l'histoire du $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ $cor{\acute{e}}en$, la position de Chae yoon-il est $tr{\grave{e}}s$ $particuli{\grave{e}}re$. Il a $consacr{\acute{e}}$, dans ses $carri{\grave{e}}res$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$, toute son ${\acute{e}}nergie$ au $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ sans jamais $fl{\acute{e}}chir$ contre le pouvoir dictatorial. Un critique a dit que son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ est semblable au $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de la $cruaut{\acute{e}}$. Pourtant, dans la mesure $o{\grave{u}}$ il respecte le texte dramatique, et que son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ a des tendances de la politique et qu'il oriente l'engagement du spectateur, il est certain que son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ est loin du $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de la $cruaut{\acute{e}}$. Ses $proc{\acute{e}}d{\acute{e}}s$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ sont $tr{\grave{e}}s$ divers et il n'y a pas de $coh{\acute{e}}rences$ au niveau des styles dramatiques. $Malgr{\acute{e}}$ cela, nous pouvons trouver son $originalit{\acute{e}}$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ dans la rencontre avec Lee hyun-wha. Le metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ ${\acute{e}}tablit$ son $esth{\acute{e}}tique$ $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}trale$ en montant sur $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ de cinq $pi{\grave{e}}ces$ de Lee hyun-wha. Alors, en effet qu'est-ce que $l^{\prime}esth{\acute{e}}tique$ de la mise en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ de Chae yoon-il produite par les ${\oe}uvres$ $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}trales$ de Lee hyun-wha? Dans les $pi{\grave{e}}ces$ de Lee hyun-wha, il y a beaucoup de codes symboliques de la violence sexuelle comme le sadisme et le masochisme. L'implusion sexuelle $cach{\acute{e}}e$ dans le subconscient des personnages s'entrecroise avec le $m{\acute{e}}canisme$ du pouvoir politique. Alors, les abus sexuels et les mauvais traitements sur le corps deviennent une sorte de torture. L'expression cruelle des langages $sc{\acute{e}}niques$ n'est autre que la $r{\acute{e}}volte$ contre la $r{\acute{e}}alit{\acute{e}}$ actuelle de la politique. Son $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de torture est donc une sorte de $m{\acute{e}}canisme$ de la catharsis pour dissiper le cauchemar et l'inconscient noir. La fantasie sexuelle construite par le monde inconscient de l'auteur dramatique $s^{\prime}{\acute{e}}panouit$ dans le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de Chae yoon-il qui $r{\hat{e}}ve$ toujours l'esprit de la $libert{\acute{e}}$. Une des convictions dramatiques du metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$, c'est que le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ tout d'abord doit ${\hat{e}}tre$ choquant. Il dit : "l'art doit ${\hat{e}}tre$ ${\grave{a}}$ la fois ${\acute{e}}mouvant$ et bouleversant. Cependant, dans la mesure $o{\grave{u}}$ le film ou la $t{\acute{e}}l{\acute{e}}vivion$ fait aujourd'hui une vive impression aux spectateurs, la part $donn{\acute{e}}e$ au $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ est le choc." Pour donner le choc aux spectateurs, le style de la torture est $tr{\grave{e}}s$ utile. $L^{\prime}esth{\acute{e}}tique$ $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tral$ du metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ respecte essentiellement l'intention de l'auteur. $N{\acute{e}}anmois$, le respect sur l'original ne se $d{\acute{e}}range$ pas $l^{\prime}interpr{\acute{e}}tation$ de son propre $id{\acute{e}}e$. Dans l'insistance de la torture, l'analyse rituelle sous la base du choc, il projecte le symbole $arch{\acute{e}}typal$ sur $sc{\grave{e}}ne$. Bien $s{\hat{u}}r$, il renforce le $caract{\grave{e}}re$ de la politique dans le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de torture pour inviter des spectateurs de l'engagement. D'ailleurs, il y a l'aspect d'absurde dans le $th{\acute{e}}{\hat{a}}tre$ de torture qui insiste des violences ${\grave{a}}$ travers les langages $sc{\acute{e}}niques$ comme le $m{\acute{e}}tal$ froid, parce que le metteur en $sc{\grave{e}}ne$ $consid{\grave{e}}re$ que $l^{\prime}{\hat{e}}tre$ humain vit dans l'absurde.

• Journal of Oriental Neuropsychiatry
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.201-214
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• 2010

Y$\grave{u}$zh$\grave{e}$ng(鬱證) comes from obstruction of qi by stress. The patient has depressed mood, irritable sign, chest discomfort, costal pain, angry state or some strange feeling on the throat. Oh-Ji-Sang-Seung(五志相勝) therapy is base on the theory of interrelation in five elements in oriental medicine. The contents of Oh-Ji-Sang-Seung(五志相勝) therapy include five subjugations of five emotions. Anxiety subjugates fear(思勝恐), fear subjugates joy(恐勝喜), joy subjugates pity(喜勝悲), pity subjugates anger(悲勝怒), and anger subjugates anxiety(怒勝思). Forgiveness program is a kind of psychological therapies to decrease the degree of anger and it is included in Oh-Ji-Sang-Seung(五志相勝) therapy. In this case, a female patient, 50 years old, who suffered from Y$\grave{u}$zh$\grave{e}$ng(鬱證) with chest discomfort, irritable sign, easily angry state, depressed mood, hot flush, insomnia. We used Oh-Ji-Sang-Seung(五志相勝) therapy besides herbal medication, acupuncture to her condition got improved. Therefore we reported it for the treatment.