• Title/Summary/Keyword: written Japanese

Search Result 195, Processing Time 0.034 seconds

Why Does Historical Drama Need Romance? -Focused on the Television Drama Mr. Sunshine (역사드라마는 왜 로맨스를 필요로 하는가 -<미스터 션샤인>(2018)을 중심으로)

  • Yang, Geunae
    • Journal of Popular Narrative
    • /
    • v.26 no.2
    • /
    • pp.123-153
    • /
    • 2020
  • As the importance of documented fact has weakened in historical dramas, the combination with other genres has become prominent. By reviewing the way romance is dealt with in historical dramas, this research examines how the properties of historical events adopted by historical dramas are related to the motif of love, and how the narrative of love and romance contributes to the historical effects, with a focus on the television drama Mr. Sunshine. Mr. Sunshine is the first historical drama written by Kim Eun-sook, combining deliberately rearranged history with the writer's unique grammar of romance. The failed resistance movement of the righteous army in the drama is matched with the love that cannot be achieved based on self-negation. The drama, which deals with the tyranny of Japanese imperialism and the independence of Joseon, fictionalizes key characters and events, transforming the desire of love into the passion of patriotism. Romance in Mr. Sunshine serves as a catalyst for emphasizing the tragedy of historical events and reconstitutes cultural memories. In historical dramas, the fictional plot of romance leads viewers to reflect on human life in history that flows from the past to the future. How does an individual's inner feelings contribute to the historical representation? This research is significant as it is the first attempt to examine the relationship between historical drama and romance in various ways.

Consideration on National Rituals and Folk Beliefs Found in 『Hajaeilgi』 (『하재일기』에 나타난 국가의례와 민간신앙 일고찰)

  • Song, Jae Yong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
    • /
    • no.69
    • /
    • pp.349-371
    • /
    • 2017
  • "Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.

A Study on the Early North Sung Period Buddhist Literatures Found in the Pagoda of Suzhou Ruiguangsi (소주(蘇州) 서광사탑(瑞光寺塔) 출토(出土) 북송초기(北宋初期)의 불교문헌(佛敎文獻) 연구(硏究))

  • Song, Il-Gie
    • Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
    • /
    • v.45 no.1
    • /
    • pp.81-102
    • /
    • 2014
  • In 1978, there was an investigation before the repair of the pagoda in Suzhou Ruiguangsi (蘇州 瑞光寺) and many Buddhist literatures were found in the center of pagoda's 3rd floor. This study is the analysis of the forms and values of the literatures. Since there were 123 ea of precious literatures made from Tang (唐) period to early North Sung (北宋) period among the found Buddhist literatures, they have very important meaning in the bibliography for the time. Suzhou Reiguangsi (蘇州 瑞光寺) was built by the first king of Wu (吳), Sun Quan (孫權). He built this Buddhist temple to meet Monk Xingkang (性康) from Kangjuguo (康居國). When it had been first built, it had been called Puji Chanyuan (普濟禪院) and it was renamed as current Ruiguangsi (瑞光寺) after the major expansion in the early period of North Sung (北宋). The Ruiguangta (瑞光塔) was built by Sun Quan (孫權) in A.D. 247 immediately after the temple had been built. Sun Quan built this pagoda as a 13-floor pagoda to pray for the easy passage into eternity of his mother, national prosperity and welfare of the people. As time passed by, the pagoda was largely damaged and it was newly built in A.D. 1017 (天禧 1) of early North Sung (北宋) period; while it was named as Duobaota (多寶塔). The literatures found in Ruiguangta consist of 107 ea of 3 sets dharani (陀羅尼) scripture and 16 volumes of 5 books, total 123 ea. Especially, there were 7 books of full set transcript of Lotus Sutra (法華經) in relatively complete form. This sutra written in gilt lettering on dark blue paper was made in Middle Tang (中唐) period and it is believed to be the only one existing in East Asia as a scripture written in gilt lettering on dark blue paper (紺紙金字寫經). There were also 6 books of small letter edition of Lotus Sutra (法華經) in complete form, which was published during the early North Sung (北宋) period. This specific edition is incorrectly stated in most general reference books published in China as having been engraved in early Tang period (初唐) since a Japanese scholar wrongly introduced it as having been engraved together with Nakamura edition (中村本). It is meaningful that this error can be corrected by the finding of this study.

A research on Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) (Restoration and Medico-Historic Investigation) (향약구급방(鄕藥救急方)에 대(對)한 고증(考證))

  • Sheen, Yeong-Il
    • Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
    • /
    • v.2 no.1
    • /
    • pp.71-83
    • /
    • 1996
  • Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

  • PDF

A Study on the Explanation of the Title of 'Siyongjeongdaeeopbo' in Daeakhubo Volume 2 (『대악후보』 권2 시용정대업보(時用定大業譜) 편명(篇名) 해설 고찰)

  • Lee, Jong-Sook;Nam, Sang-Sook
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
    • /
    • v.49 no.4
    • /
    • pp.80-95
    • /
    • 2016
  • This study sought to disclose the problems surrounding the erroneous explanation of the title of the musical script 'Jeongdaeeop,' which is Jongmyojeryeak(Jongmyo Shrine ritual music), shown in Daeakhubo, Korea's treasure No.1291. Daehakhubo imitated and adopted expressions like 1 Byeon(change) and 1 Pyeon(edition), shown in the music written in the Annals of King Sejong, the foundation of Jongmyojeryeakbo music. Originally, 'Jeongdaeeop' recorded during the reign of King Sejong consisted of 6-Byeon and 13-Pyeon compositions, except Inlet and Outlet tunes. King Sejo, however, while rearranging this music into Jongmyo Shrine Mumuak music, reduced it to 9 tunes. And, when registering such arrangements in the musical scripts in the Annuals of King Sejo, he did not list the explanation of the titles as in the Annals of King Sejong. He just listed the nine tunes. In contrast to the musical scripts in the Annals of King Sejo, in Daeakhubo the details of Byeon and Pyeon under the nine tune titles are listed as in the Annals of King Sejong. This study revealed that Byeon and Pyeon expressed in Daeakhubo were the results of arbitrarily transcribing the different Byeon and Pyeon of 'Jeongdaeeop' and 'Balsang' in the Annals of King Sejong into the revised 'Jeongdaeeop' during the reign of King Sejo. Thus, under the titles of each score in 'Jeongdaeeop' of Daeakhubo are written the explanations of the muscial scores shown in both 'Jeongdaeeop' of the Annals of King Sejong and 'Balsang' of the Annals of King Sejong. Thus, the story of the son Ikjo is described even ahead of the story of the father Mokjo, and stories totally different from the original movements are described, creating overall errors. Such errors were presumably caused by powers that created the false musical script 'Sokakwonbo' during the Japanese colonial rule of Korea and disguised it as a traditional musical script.

A Study on Korean-American Writer Hong-Eun($1880\~1951$) focusing on Mong-yu siga(Traditional Korean Poetry, gasa and sijo of strolling in the dream) (재미작가 홍언의 몽유가사$\cdot$시조에 나타난 작가의식)

  • Park Mi-Young
    • Sijohaknonchong
    • /
    • v.21
    • /
    • pp.77-110
    • /
    • 2004
  • This study is an exploration of a Korean-American writer, Hong-Eun's Mong-yu siga. Hong-Eun immigrated to the United States during the colonial rule of the Japanese government. He was a publisher of The New Korea Times, and contributed various literary works to it. The purpose of this study is to analyze his two Mong-yu sigas published in 1935 and 1947 and elucidate their meanings. Using dream as a primary motif, the intention of Mong-yu mode is to achieve desire which is impossible to reach in reality. While his staying in the United States, Hong-Eun could not return his home country for two reasons, that is, political and financial ones. To return Korea desperately, he wrote sigas by adopting Mong-yu mode. His first attempt was reflected as eight pieces of consecutive poetries titled This Mountain In My Dream, I am Home. This Mountain was published on the 25th of April, 1935 and In My Dream, I am Home was contributed from May the 9th of 1935 to July the fourth of the same year. These works were published in the The New Korea Times' poetry column under the pen name of Donghae-soboo , Representing gasa of the enlightenment era, this poetry depicts historical identity of Chosun dynasty, especially focusing on before and after the 1900s. As a result of it, the poetry sketches the ideology of the Middle Ages. His second attempt was A Country and Hometown written as a form of prelude on the 25th of September, 1947. In addition, A Country in My Dream was published as a form of six pieces of consecutive poetry from October the second to November the sixth of 1947. He chose sijo as a major form of poetry, and the image of the poetry seemed to be the continuation of his first attempt. Confronting the reality of the his own country which is divided, the writer expresses his antagonism toward America and Russia. Although he could eventually return his country later, he rationalized himself by saying that his it is not the ideal place to go. Mong-yu mode is a traditional poetic technique which the intellectuals of the Middle Age used to use as one pattern of allegory. In addition to this, in the period of the enlightenment of Korea, Mong-yu was used to avoid the Japanese censorship and experiment on the diverse ways of writing. In terms of literary history, the significance of Hong-Eun's creation of Mong-yu sigas is that Hong-Eun shares the same intention with Korean intellectuals of the enlightenment period.

  • PDF

A Study on the Persons Enjoying the Landscape of Daegodea in Hamyang and Space Hegemony through Analysis of Poetry and Letters Carved on the Rocks (시문과 바위글씨로 본 함양 대고대(大孤臺)의 경관 향유자와 장소패권(場所覇權))

  • Rho, Jae-Hyun;Lee, Jung-Han
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.32 no.1
    • /
    • pp.10-21
    • /
    • 2014
  • This study focuses on the landscape of Daegodae(大孤臺), a prominent rock placed at the side of Namgae Stream in Hamyang, and the person who enjoy the landscape. Through the analysis of the letters such as names carved on the rocks based on ancient poetry and stone walls, the study examines the characteristics of the landscape and the space of Daegodae and the phase of hegemony to enjoy the landscape and space. The result of this study is as follow.2) There are 5 Seowon(書院: lecture halls) nearby Daegodae identified in the ancient map has 5 auditoriums nearby, and three-dimensional volume and eccentricity of the Daegodae is impressive. Daegodae, named by Noh Jin(1518~1578) in 16th century, was used in a variety of ways, including viewing, game, recreation, and meeting, by the staff of the lecture halls including Namgae Seowon(南溪書院), as a result of analyzing the ancient document Go-dae-il-Loc(孤臺日錄) written by Jung Kyung-Woon(鄭慶雲: 1556~?). The structure of Daegodae is that there is Chunggeunchung(淸近亭) on the rock face of the top and Sanangjae(山仰齋) to the west around the memorial stone for Yang Hee(梁喜: 1515~1581). The upper part of the foundation of Daegodae with 11m high and $10m^2$ wide to the east and west was widely used for lecturing and poetry reading. To the north and west of the foundation were the writing of Kim Jeong-Hee(金正喜: 1786~1856) with the words 'Seoksong Chusa(石松 秋史)' carved on the rock and the remains of a dead tree that is presumed to have been called as 'Seoksong'. They are the landscapes that further enhance the history and authenticity of this place. The two kinds of letters carved on the rock 'Daegodae Gaeeunseo(大高臺 介隱書)' and 'Mukheon JungGeunSang(鄭近相: 1893~1934)' were recorded each by Jung Jae-Gi(1811~1879) and his grandson Jung Geun-Sang, which are, as the outcome of exclusive space possession and space hegemony, the signatures indicating that they were the persons who enjoyed this place during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era. In other words, Daegodae had some implied meaning of preoccupancy of the place as Gujolyangseonsengjangguso since the middle of Joseon, and the place was passed down as a buddhism lecturing and memorial venue called "Dungbukganghoiso Cheonryungjaeseonhyunjangguso" after going through the space hegemony of Jung Jae-Gi and Jung Geun-Sang during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era each, Nevertheless, a number of letters carved on the rock identified also imply that 'Hadong Jung(河東鄭氏)' and 'Pungcheon Noh(豊川盧氏)' were those who enjoyed the landscape of Daegodae and the center of the space hegemony. The "letters carved on the rock of Daegudae" is another case of cultural landscape and traditional gardening space that serves as the representation of the will of enjoying the landscape in this place and the history of space hegemony.

The Records and Archives Administrative Reform in China in 1930s (1930년대 중국 문서당안 행정개혁론의 이해)

  • Lee, Won-Kyu
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
    • /
    • no.10
    • /
    • pp.276-322
    • /
    • 2004
  • Historical interest in China in 1930s has been mostly focused on political characteristic of the National Government(國民政府) which was established by the KMT(中國國民黨) as a result of national unification. It is certain that China had a chance to construct a modern country by the establishment of the very unified revolutionary government. But, it was the time of expanding national crises that threatened the existence of the country such as the Manchurian Incident and the Chinese-Japanese War as well as the chaos of the domestic situation, too. So it has a good reason to examine the characteristic and pattern of the response of the political powers of those days. But, as shown in the recent studies, the manifestation method of political power by the revolutionary regime catches our attention through the understanding of internal operating system. Though this writing started from the fact that the Nationalist Government executed the administrative reform which aimed at "administrative efficiency" in the middle of 1930s, but it put stress on the seriousness of the problem and its solution rather than political background or results. "Committee on Administrative Efficiency(行政效率委員會)", the center of administrative reform movement which was established in 1934, examined the plan to execute the reform through legislation by the Executive Council(行政院) on the basis of the results of relevant studies. They claimed that the construction of a modern country should be performed by not political revolution anymore but by gradual improvement and daily reform, and that the operation of the government should become modern, scientific and efficient. There were many fields of administrative reform subjects, but especially, the field of records and archives adminstration(文書檔案行政) was studied intensively from the initial stage because that subject had already been discussed intensively. They recognized that records and archives were the basic tool of work performance and general activity but an inefficient field in spite of many input staff members, and most of all, archival reform bring about less conflicts than the fields of finance, organization and personnel. When it comes to the field of records adminstration, the key subjects that records should be written simply, the process of record treatment should be clear and the delay of that should be prevented were already presented in a records administrative meeting in 1922. That is, the unified law about record management was not established, so each government organization followed a conventional custom or performed independent improvement. It was through the other records administrative workshop of the Nationalist Government in 1933 when the new trend was appeared as the unified system improvement. They decided to unify the format of official records, to use marker and section, to unify the registration of receipt records and dispatch records and to strengthen the examination of records treatment. But, the method of records treatment was not unified yet, so the key point of records administrative reform was to establish a unified and standard record management system for preventing repetition by simplifying the treatment procedure and for intensive treatment by exclusive organizations. From the foundation of the Republic of China to 1930s, there was not big change in the field of archives administration, and archives management methods were prescribed differently even in the same section as well as same department. Therefore, the point at issue was to centralize scattered management systems that were performed in each section, to establish unified standard about filing and retention period allowance and to improve searching system through classification and proper number allowance. Especially, the problem was that each number system and classification system bring about different result due to dual operation of record registration and archives registration, and that strict management through mutual contrast, searching and application are impossible. Besides, various problems such as filing tools, arrangement method, preservation facilities & equipment, lending service and use method were raised also. In the process this study for the system improvement of records and archives management, they recognized that records and archives are the identical thing and reached to create a successive management method of records and archives called "Records and Archives Chain Management Method(文書檔案連鎖法)" as a potential alternative. Several principles that records and archives management should be performed unitedly in each organization by the general record recipient section and the general archives section under the principle of task centralization, a consistent classification system should be used by classification method decided in advance according to organizational constitution and work functions and an identical number system should be used in the process of record management stage and archive management stage by using a card-type register were established. Though, this "Records and Archives Chain Management Method" was developed to the stage of test application in several organizations, but it was not adopted as a regular system and discontinued. That was because the administrative reform of the Nationalist Government was discontinued by the outbreak of the Chinese-Japanese War. Even though the administrative reform in the middle of 1930s didn't produce practical results but merely an experimentation, it was verified that the reform against tradition and custom conducted by the Nationalist Government that aimed for the construction of a modern country was not only a field of politics, but on the other hand, the weak basis of the government operation became the obstacle to the realization of the political power of the revolutionary regime. Though the subject of records and archives administrative reform was postponed to the future, it should be understood that the consciousness of modern records and archives administration and overall studies began through this examination of administrative reform.

A Study of Jeongjae Performed by the Iwangjikaakbu(Royal Music Institute): Based on the mubo(choreography notes) of Lee Byungseong and Sung Gyeonglin (이왕직아악부의 정재 음악 연구 - 이병성·성경린 무보를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Jongsook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
    • /
    • no.34
    • /
    • pp.173-214
    • /
    • 2017
  • This study examines and compares music-related records in the mubo (舞譜; choreography notes) written by Sung Gyeonglin (成慶麟, 1911 - 2008), based on the records of 11 kinds of jeongjae (the music and dance performances at the royal court) found in Lee Byungseong's (李丙星, 1909 - 1960) Changsa and Jungjaecheol (呈才及唱詞綴). Even though these records are personal, they provide valuable information about the mubo of the Iwangjikaakbu (the Royal Music Institute) during the period of Japanese colonization. The eleven kinds types of jeongjae-'Cheoyongmu (處容舞)', 'Hyangryungmu (響鈴舞)', 'Mugo (舞鼓)', 'Bosangmu (寶相舞)', 'Chunangjeon (春鶯?)', 'Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹)', 'Suyeonjang (壽延長)', 'Mansumu (萬壽舞)', 'Bongraeeui (鳳來儀)', 'Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞)', and 'Musanhyang (舞山香)'-can be largely divided into two types: Dangak (Tang dynasty music) and 'Hyangak (traditional Korean music).' The former is distinguished musically by whether or not the jukganja appears. For the appearance of the jukganja in 'Sujeyongjang', 'Bongraeeui' and 'Jangsaengboyeongjimu', the 'boheojaryung (步虛子令)' was used and given the impressive name of jangchunbullojigok (長春不老之曲).' The term punggyungjigok (豊慶之曲)' was used for music that guides a group dance and dancers. For the latter, hamnyungjigok (咸寧之曲) was performed during the development of the dance, and the pungungyeonghoijigok (風雲慶會之曲) was played at the end of the piece. As for the accompaniment for the jeongjae performed by the Iwangjikaakbu, it is significant that various elaborate names were attached to Sangryungsan, Jungryungsan, Seryungsanm, Garakdeoli, Samhyunhwanip, Yeombulhwanip, and taryung (the traditional Korean ballad), which were all parts of 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang (靈山會上).' Specifically, the 'Hyangdanggyoju (鄕唐交奏)' in 'Jeongjaemudoholgi' was accompanied by various melodies of the 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang', which were given extravagant names. These are the personal records of the Iwangjikaakbu mubo that were retained by Lee Honggu (李興九, b. 1940), who owns the 'Hakyeonhwadaehapseolmu.' Among them, the ten kinds of jeongjae found in the notes of Sung Gyeonglin are often referred to as 'mueui (舞儀)' and widely used for research on individual jeongjae performances and the history of their development. The notes of Lee Byungseong have not been investigated thoroughly until now and this is the first study that provides a comparative analysis of the notes of Lee Byungseong and Sung Gyeonglin. This investigation is expected to contribute to the further research and knowledge of the jeongjae performance during the period of Japanese colonization.

A Study on the History and Species of Street Trees in Seoul (서울시 가로수 역사와 수목 고찰)

  • Song, Suk-Ho;Kim, Min-Kyung
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
    • /
    • v.38 no.4
    • /
    • pp.58-67
    • /
    • 2020
  • The present study was conducted as part of basic research for selecting species of street trees with historical value in Seoul. It also made up a list of traditional landscape trees for a variety of alternatives. The following results are shown below. As to the history of street trees in Korea, records on to-be-estimated street trees are found in historical documents written in King Yangwon during the second year of Goguryeo Dynasty (546) and King Myeongjong during 27 year of Goryeo (1197). However, it is assumed that lack of clarity is found in historical records. During the 23 year of King Sejong in the early Joseon Dynasty (1441), the record showed that the state planted street trees as guideposts on the postal road. The records revealed that Ulmus spp. and Salix spp. were planted as guidance trees. The street tree system was performed in the early Joseon Dynasty as recorded in the first year of King Danjong document. Pinus densiflora, Pinus koraiensis, Pyrus pyrifolia var. culta, Castanea crenata, Styphnolobium japonicum and Salix spp. were planted along the avenue at both left and right sides. Morus alba were planted on streets during the five year of King Sejo (1459). As illustrated in pieces Apgujeong by painter Jeongseon and Jinheonmajeongsaekdo in the reign of King Yeongjo, street trees were planted. This arrangement is associated with a number of elements such as king procession, major entrance roads in Seoul, place for horse markets, prevention of roads from flood and indication. In the reign of King Jeongjo, there are many cases related to planting Pinus densiflora, Abies holophylla and Salix spp. for king procession. Turning king roads and related areas into sanctuaries is considered as technique for planting street trees. During the 32 year of King Gojong after opening ports (1985), the state promoted planting trees along both sides of roads. At the time, many Populus davidiana called white poplars were planted as rapidly growing street trees. There are 17 taxa in the Era of Three Kingdoms records, 31 taxa in Goryeo Dynasty records and 55 taxa in Joseon Dynasty records, respectively, described in historical documents to be available for being planted as street trees in Seoul. 16 taxa are recorded in three periods, which are Era of Three Kingdoms, Goryeo Dynasty and Joseon Dynasty. These taxa can be seen as relatively excellent ones in terms of historical value. The introduction of alien plants and legal improvement in the Japanese colonial period resulted in modernization of street tree planting system. Under the six-year street tree planting plan (1934-1940) implemented as part of expanding metropolitan areas outside the capital launched in 1936, four major street trees of top 10 taxa were a Populus deltoides, Populus nigra var. italica, Populus davidiana, Populus alba. The remaining six trees were Salix babylonica, Robinia pseudoacacia, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, and Acer negundo. Beginning in the mid- and late 1930s, platanus orientalis, Platanus occidentalis were introduced into Korea as new taxa of street trees and planted in many regions. Beginning on 1942, Ailanthus altissima was recommended as street trees for the purpose of producing silks. In 1957 after liberation, major street tree taxa included Platanus occidentalis, Ginkgo biloba, Populus nigra var. italica, Ailanthus altissima, Populus deltoides and Salix babylonica. The rank of major street tree species planted in the Japanese colonial period had changed. Tree planting trend around that period primarily representing Platanus occidentalis and Ginkgo biloba still holds true until now.