• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• 제48권1호
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• pp.58-70
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• 2015

본 연구는 초등학교 고학년 어린이에서 어린이 NQ와 어린이와 어머니 식생활지침 실천도가 어떤지, 이들 간에 어떠한 상관관계가 있는지 또한 어린이와 어머니의 어떤 특성이 이들에 영향을 끼치는지 알아보고자 광주광역시 소재 초등학교 4~6학년 어린이 281명을 대상으로 실시되었으며 다음과 같은 결과를 얻었다. 조사대상 어린이의 NQ는 $66.8{\pm}14.2$로 보통 (3등급)에 해당하였고, 절제와 다양요인 점수는 우수 (2등급)이었으나 규칙, 실천 및 균형요인 점수는 보통 (3등급)이었다. 어린이 NQ는 학년별, 성별 및 체중군별로 다르지 않았다. 그러나 몇몇 요인의 점수는 다소 차이를 보였는바, 학년별로 절제와 규칙요인의 점수가 달랐으나 일관성은 없었으며, 여자 어린이가 남자 어린이에 비해 규칙요인 점수가 높았고, 과체중군이 기타 체중군에 비해 절제요인 점수가 높았다. 한편 어머니의 일반사항에 따라 어린이 NQ는 상당한 차이를 나타냈는데, 비취업 상태인 경우 취업상태에 비해 어린이 NQ와 균형요인 점수가 높았고, 연령이 40대 이상이면 40대 미만에 비해 다양요인 점수가 높았으며, 학력이 대졸 이상이면 고등학교 졸 이하에 비해 규칙요인 점수가 높았고, 이외에 가정의 월수입이 400만 원 미만이면 400만원 이상에 비해 절제요인 점수가 높았다. 어린이의 식생활지침 실천도는 $78.8{\pm}10.5$로 양호인 편이었으며, 어머니가 비취업상태인 경우 취업상태인 경우보다 높았다. 어머니의 식생활지침 실천도는 $80.6{\pm}9.4$로 양호했으며, 비취업상태의 어머니가 취업상태인 경우보다 또한 연령이 40대 이상인 어머니가 40대 미만인 경우보다 높았다. 어린이 NQ는 어린이 자신의 식생활지침 실천도와는 물론 어머니의 식생활지침 실천도와도 유의적인 양의 상관성을 보였으며, 어린이와 어머니의 식생활지침 실천도 간에도 유의한 양의 관련성이 있었다. 이러한 본 연구결과는 초등학교 고학년 어린이의 식생활이 어머니의 영향을 크게 받는다는 점을 시사한다. 따라서 어린이의 식생활을 개선하기 위해서는 어린이를 대상으로 한 영양교육은 물론 어머니를 대상으로 한 식생활 교육도 필요하다는 점을 알려준다. 구체적으로 어린이에게는 콩이나 콩 제품의 영양적 우수성, 가공식품을 살 때 영양성분 등 식품표시 확인, 우유 섭취의 필요성, 짠 음식, 단 음식, 기름진 음식의 섭취 제한, 표준체중 알기 및 TV 시청과 컴퓨터 게임 시간 제한하기 등에 관한 내용을 강조해야 할 필요성이 있음을 알 수 있었다. 어머니의 경우는 특히 취업상태이거나, 비교적 젊거나, 학력이 낮거나, 가족의 월수입이 높은 가정의 어머니에 초점을 맞추어 다양한 채소 섭취하기, 간식으로 유제품 섭취하기, 신체 활동량 늘리기와 함께 어린이가 나타낸 문제점에 관한 내용을 다룰 필요성이 있음을 알려주었다. 본 연구에서 어머니의 취업 여부와 연령, 학력 및 가정의 월수입에 따라 어린이 NQ는 물론 식생활지침 실천도가 유의적인 차이를 보이는 점이 확인되었으나, 조사대상자의 수가 많지 않았고, 광주광역시 소재 1개교에 국한되었으며 또한 고학년만을 대상으로 삼았다는 제한점이 있으므로, 앞으로 보다 큰 규모의 체계적인 연구를 통해 이러한 요인들이 어린이 NQ 및 어린이와 어머니의 식생활지침 실천도에 어떠한 영향을 끼치는지 규명할 필요성이 있다고 생각된다. 본 연구결과가 어린이와 어머니에게 어떠한 내용의 영양교육이 필요한지를 알리고, 어린이들이 올바른 식습관을 실천하고 또한 어머니들이 자신과 자녀의 식생활을 바람직하게 관리하도록 지도하고 교육하는데 있어 기초자료로 활용됨으로써 어린이 NQ를 높이는데 기여할 수 있기를 바란다.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제22권4호
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• pp.636-652
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• 1992

This study identified the impact of childhood cancer on the Korean family. The purpose was to contribute knowledge for family nursing and pediatric hospice care practice with sick children and their families. This descriptive study was conducted during a 6 month period with children who were being treated for cancer at six university hospitals in Seoul. The data were gathered from members of 68 families ; 24(Group A), with a child newly diagnosed with cancer : 27(Group B), with a child under treatment and without complications, and 17 (Group C), with a child in relapse. Medical records, structured questionnaires and interviews were used for data collection. The questionnaires and interview schedules had been used previously in Martinson's research in the USA and China. The findings, conclusions, and suggestions are as follows. 1. The impact of childhood cancer on the family. Members of the family experienced fear, helplessness, guilty feelings, and anger at the time of the initial diagnosis and at relapse. Mothers complained of headache, anorexia and poor appetite, weight loss, sleep disturbance, and bad dreams. Many of the fathers either lost or changed jobs, and all working mothers stopped working. Half the parents reported changes in their marital relationships such as frequent quarrels but also stronger unity. Family members perceived cancer as the most frightening disease. Change in their world view was expressed as living on faith understanding suffering, determining to live a better life, wanting to live an upright life and valuing health as the most important. Religious activities are found most helpful through this difficult experience. Financial debt due to the treatment and care of the sick child, burdened 22 families. The above mentioned impact was most evidant in Group B(those presently undergoing treatment) and Group C(those in relapse). Findings indicate that nursing care should embrace the family of a child who is being treated for cancer. 2. Characteristics of the child with cancer The majority of the children in this sample had a diagnosis of leukemia. Their mean age was 6.8 and the ratio of boys to girls was 1.12 ; 1. The mean hospitalization frequency was 13.5 times and the mean duration of illness was 16.8 months. Most of 1.he children perceived cancer as the most frightening disease ; 32.7% of the children described their sickness as serious. Children in Group C were hospitalized more frequently, stayed in hospital for longer periods, and expressed their sickness as quite serious more often than the other two groups. These findings indicate how much comprehensive pediatric hospice nursing care services are needed along with relevant research and nursing education. 3. Characteristics of the families. The mean age of the father was 39.5 and the mother, 36,6 ; they are in their most productive life period. Mothers especially expressed feelings of financial uneasiness and powerlessness about giving up their jobs, and guilty feelings for not providing enough care and concern to other children due to taking care of the sick one. The burden of caring for the sick child can bring negative changes in family dynamics which they think provoke potential health problems in members of the family These findings suggest a need for nursing support and counselling resources. Findings also suggest the need for ethical inquiry about such questions as who should give information to the child in regard to diagnosis and prognosis, when, and how. Other suggestions included : 1) Quality health care for childhood cancer such as home care and pediatric hospice programs should be established. 2) Special and practical consideration for long-term patients should be made in the present insurance coverage. The reimbursement period for long-term patients should be lengthened. 3) Further in-depth qualitative studies are needed. 4) Education programs including guided practice experience for pediatric hospice care practitioners are needed.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제8호
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• pp.33-58
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• 2009

This paper examines four genre paintings on the subject of child education by Jean-Baptiste-Sim${\'{e}}$on Chardin(1699-1779). The Governess, The Diligent Mother, Saying Grace, and The Morning Toilette garnered critical attention after they were exhibited in the Salon from 1739 to 1741. After the exhibition, the paintings were made into prints and frequently sold to members of the bourgeois class in Paris. The iconographical details of Chardin's genre paintings have, thus far, been compared to Dutch genre pictures of the seventeenth century. Further, most studies conducted on Chardin's paintings focus on formal analysis rather than the historical and social contexts. Through attempting social-contextual readings of Chardin's educational series, this paper argues that the significance of Chardin's painting series of child education lies in his representation of the ideal French bourgeois family and the standard of early childhood education in the eighteenth-century French Enlightenment period. In each of the four child education paintings, Chardin depicted a mother with children in a domestic space. Even though this theme derives from traditional Dutch genre paintings in the seventeenth century, the visual motifs, the pictorial atmosphere and the painting techniques of Chardin all project the social culture of eighteenth century France. Each painting in the child education series exemplifies respectively the attire of a French gentlemen, the social view on womanhood and the education of girls, newly established table manners, and the dressing up culture in a 'toilette' in eighteenth century France. Distinct from other educational scenes in previous genre paintings, Chardin accentuated the naive and innocent characteristics of a child and exemplified the mother's warmth toward that child in her tender facial expressions and gesturing. These kinds of expressions illustrate the newly structured standard of education in the French Enlightenment period. Whereas medieval people viewed children as immature and useless, people in the eighteenth century began to recognize children for their more positive features. They compared children to a blank piece of paper (tabula rasa), which signified children's innocence, and suggested that children possess neither good nor bad virtues. This positive perspective on children slowly transformed the pedagogical methods. Teaching manuals instructed governesses and mothers to respect each child's personality rather than be strict and harsh to them. Children were also allotted more playtimes, which explains the display of various toys in the backgrounds of Chardin's series of four paintings. Concurrently, the interior, where this exemplary education was executed, alludes to the virtue of the bourgeois's moderate and thrifty daily life in eighteenth century France. While other contemporary painters preferred to depict the extravagant living space of a French bourgeoisie, Chardin portrayed a rather modest and cozy home interior. In contrast to the highly decorated living space of aristocrats, he presented the realistic, humble domestic space of a bourgeois, filled with modern household objects. In addition, the mother is exceptionally clad in working clothes instead of fashionable dresses of the moment. Fit to take care of household affairs and children, the mother represents the ideal virtues of a bourgeois family. It can be concluded that the four genre paintings of child education by Chardin articulate the new standards of juvenile education in eighteenth century France as well as the highly recognized social virtues between French bourgeois families. Thus, Chardin's series of child education would have functioned as a demonstration of the ideal living standards of the bourgeois class and their emphasis on early childhood education in the French Enlightenment period.

• 대한간호학회지
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• 제25권2호
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• pp.351-361
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• 1995

The main purpose of the study is to identify critical risk factors for development of a family assessment tool to screen high risk family. This study used a conceptual framework of family diagnosis developed by Eui-sook Kim's (1993) and analyzed risk factors to identify the high risk family. As employing a explorative and methodological study design, this study has four stages. 1. In the first stage, 34 family risk factors were identified by doing intensive literature review on conceptual framework of family diagnoses. 2. In the second stage, above risk factors were tested for content validity by consultation with 29 persons in community health nursing, nursing education, family theory, and social work. 3. In the third stage, existing survey data was used for actual application of the identified risk factors. The survey data used for this purpose was previously collected for the community diagnosis in a region of Seoul. At the final stage, through the comparison between high risk and low risk families, initially identified 34 risk factors decreased to 25 risk factors. Among 34 risk factors, six factors did not agree with content of questionnaries sand two factors were not significant in differentiating the high risk family Also, two risk factors showed high correlation between themselves, so only one of those two factors was chosen. As a result, twenty-five risk factors chosen to identify the high risk family are following ; 1. A single parent family due to divorce or death of a partner, or unweded single mother 2. A family with an unrelated household members 3. A family with a working mother with a young child 4. A family with no regular income 5. A family with no rule in family or too strict rules 6. A family with little or no support from other lam-ily members 7. A family with little or no support from friends or relatives 8. A family with little or no time to share with each other 9. A family with family history of hypertension, diabetus, cancer 10. A family with a sick person 11. A family with a mentally ill person 12. A family with a disabled person 13. A family with an alcoholic person 14. A family with a excessive smoker who smokes more than 1 pack / day 15. A family with too much salt intake in their diet. 16. A family with inappropriate management skills for family health 17. A family with high utilization of drug store than hospital to solve the health problems of the family 18. A family with disharmony between husband and wife 19. A family with conflicts among the family members 20. A family with unequal division of labor among family members 21. An authoritative family structure 22. A socially isolated family 23. The location of house is not residential area 24. A family with high risk of accidents 25. The drinking water and sewage systems are not hygienic. The main implication of the results of this study is clinical use. The high risk factors can be used to identify the high risk family effectively and efficiently. The use of high risk factors woule contribute to develop a conceptual framework of family diagnosis in Korea and the list of risk factors need to be revised continuously. Further researches are needed to develop an index of weight of each risk factor and to validate the risk factors.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제16권6호
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• pp.416-431
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• 2016

웰빙(well-being)은 이제 전 세계적으로 국가의 중요 정책이 되고 있다. 대표적 국제기구들 중 하나인 OECD는 GDP가 더 이상 국민들의 행복을 반영하지 못한다는 사실을 인지하고 그 대체지수로서 더 나은 삶 지표(Better Life Index)를 고안하여 세계 각국에 권고하고 있다. 그 지표들 중 하나인 일과 삶의 균형(work-life balance)은 부양가족을 지닌 근로자들의 행복을 위한 매우 중요한 지표들로 간주하여 11개의 지표 중 하나로 선정되었다. 그러나 한국의 경우 일과 삶의 균형 지표는 다른 지표과 비교했을 때 공동체 지표와 함께 최하위권에 머물고 있다. 본 논문에서는 한국인의 일과 삶의 균형에서 당면한 문제와 이를 해소하기 위한 정책적 방안들을 탐구하고자 한다. 연구 과제는 첫째, 일과 삶의 균형의 개념은 무엇인가, 둘째, 한국 근로자들이 처해있는 한국사회 고유의 특성과 일과 삶 균형에 관련된 정책은 어떠한가, 셋째, 기존의 관련 정책을 한국 사회의 특성에 맞춰 어떻게 변화 또는 발전시켜야 하는가이다. 논의의 결과는 다음과 같다. 우선 정부 차원에서의 문화적 접근이 부족했다. 즉 적극적 캠페인을 통해 전통적 성 역할에 대한 인식을 전환시키려는 실질적인 노력이 없었다. 회사 차원에서는 권위적인 조직 문화를 역이용하여 근로자들의 일과 삶의 균형에 적극 활용할 필요가 있다. 다시 말해 근로시간의 준수, 출산 및 육아휴직의 사용을 회사차원에서 적극적으로 권고하는 것을 제도화 할 필요가 있다. 일하는 여성이 직장인과 엄마 역할 사이에서 갈등하는 상황을 남편 및 가족의 이해와 지지로 극복할 수 있도록 도와주는 가족지원책이 필요한 것이다.

• 부모자녀건강학회지
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• 제1권
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• pp.75-87
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• 1998

These days social and economical changes have influence on the structure of family and the role of family members. Working mothers and widowers with children are increasing because of economical difficulties. Support from relatives are decreasing because of the conspicuous trend toward nuclear families. According to these reasons androgynous fathers are required. Today's fathers in Korea socially and culturally have learned about traditional parenting, but they are changing their fathering styles to meet the demands of the times. However they don't have their own fathering models. Therefore nurses who hold an advantageous position to teach and support from clinic have to encourage them to care their infants. The purposes of this study were to define father's care giving in infancy, understand influencing factors on fathering, and the differences between fathering and mothering, then contribute to nursing implementation for supporting fathers. This study was designed to review references about father's care giving. The results were follows: Six aspects of parent participation were direct care. indirect care, play, decision-making concerning the child, amount of time of sole responsibility for the child and overall availability to the child. Direct care involved feeding, bathing, going to child if child awakens. dressing, putting child to bed, taking child to doctor, nurse, or dentist, transporting child to and from sitter, day care, or school, washing child's hair. Indirect care involved cleaning up after child, preparing child's food, fixing child's broken playthings, washing child's clothes, arranging baby-sitting, shopping for child's toys and clothes, transporting baby-sitter to and from your home. Young fathers were gradually participating in direct care like feeding, taking child to doctor. Father's care giving stimulated mothering and promoted parent-infant relationship. Influencing factors of fathering would be divided into father characteristics, surrounding factors, infant attributes. Father characteristics were age, role perception, relationship with parent. Surrounding factors were the opportunity of early contact, support system, spouse's expectation, marital adjustment, feeding type, past experience of care giving. Infant attributes were temperament, behavior, age, sex. The differences between fathering and mothering were reviewed. Fathers were poor at care giving. but their caring was similar to mother's. This subtle difference positively worked upon infant's growth and development. On the basis of these theoretical data, nurses can empower fathers to cooperate with mothers in caring infants.

• 한국가정과교육학회지
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• 제19권1호
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• pp.99-114
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• 2007

본 연구는 중학생을 대상으로 기술 가정 교과서 '나와 가족관계' 단원의 내용에 대한 긍정적 인식 정도와 실천성 인식정도, 가족건강성 정도를 알아보고자 하였다. 또한 중학생의 가족환경, 교과서의 긍정적 인식, 실천성 인식이 가족건강성에 미치는 영향을 알아보고자 하였다. 이러한 연구목적을 위해서 인천광역시에 거주하는 중학교 1학년을 대상으로 임의표집방법으로 질문지 430부를 배부하여 분석하였다. 연구 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 첫째 중학생은 기술 가정 교과서 '나와 가족관계' 단원에 대해 긍정적으로 인식하고 있었다. 그러나 자신들의 실제 가족생활에서는 실천성이 없다고 생각하고 있었다. 둘째 중학생이 인지하는 자신의 가족건강성 정도는 높게 나타났고, 감사와 애정정도, 유대감, 긍정적인 의사소통, 문제해결능력의 순으로 높게 인식하고 있었다. 어머니 직업이 있을 경우, 생활수준, 부 학력 수준이 높을 경우 가족건강성을 높게 인식하고 있었다. 셋째 중학생의 가족환경, 교과내용의 긍정적 인식 정도, 실천성 인식정도가 가족건강성에 미치는 영향을 보면 교과서 내용에 대한 긍정적 인식과 가족의 정서환경이 가장 맡은 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 가족의 구조적 환경은 정서적 환경에 비해 미치는 영향력이 낮은 것으로 나타났다. 교과서의 실천성 인식은 긍정적 인식에 비해 가족건강성에 미치는 영향이 낮은 것으로 나타났다.

• 한국노년학
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• 제36권3호
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• pp.525-540
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• 2016

본 연구 목적은 농아노인들이 생활하면서 어떤 경험을 하면서 살아가고 있는지를 드러내고자 한다. 그리고 이런 연구를 통하여 일반인(청인)들이 농아인의 삶의 고충과 문화를 이해하고 지역사회의 일원으로 더불어 살아가는데 기초자료를 제공하고자 한다. 연구방법은 현상학적 질적 연구로 하였으며, 연구 참여자는 농아노인 7명이다. 심층면접하고 분석한 결과 농아노인의 생활 경험은 '잊혀 지지 않은 상처', '지역사회에서 생활', '가족과의 생활', '농아노인의 결혼', '현실에 적응하고 살기'로 범주화할 수 있었다. '잊혀 지지 않은 상처'의 하위범주는 '열병을 치료받지 못함', '6.25전쟁 피해', '사람들의 차가운 시선'으로 나타났으며, 농아노인들은 이제까지 살아오면서 잊혀 지지 않은 마음의 상처로 고통스러워하면서 살아가고 있었다. '지역사회에서 생활'의 하위범주는 '생활의 불편', '생활의 불이익', '단절된 생활'로 나타났는데, 농아노인들은 생활의 불편함과 불이익을 당할 뿐 아니라 지역사회와 단절된 생활로 외로움을 느끼면서 살아가고 있었다. '가족과의 생활'의 하위범주는 '자녀들과 소통이 안 됨', '다시 버림받음', '가족에게 이용당함', '가족이 있으나 외로움', '독립해 살고 싶음'으로 나타났는데, 농아노인들은 가족으로부터 지지받고 살지 못하고 오히려 버림당하고 이용당하고 외롭게 살아가고 있었다. '농아노인의 결혼'의 하위범주는 '씨받이로 보내어짐', '빈번한 재혼과 이혼', '부부처럼 의지함'으로 나타났는데, 농아노인들은 자신들만의 결혼 문화를 형성하면서 서로 의지하며 살아가고 있었다. '현실에 적응하며 살기'의 하위범주는 '이웃의 도움받기', '생활의 처신 잘하기', '한글 배우기','일하면서 살기', '자유롭게 살기', '그리워하며 살기', '죽고 싶은 충동 억제하기', '종교에 의지하기'로 나타났는데, 농아노인들은 언어적 사회적 소수집단의 한계로 혜택 받지 못하는 가장 소외되고 취약한 계층에 있지만 현실에 맞게 스스로 적응하며 살아가기 위해 노력하고 있었다. 이런 결과에 의해 다음과 같이 제언하다. 첫째, 농아노인들이 마음속에 지워지지 않은 마음의 상처가 치유될 수 있는 개별 및 집단상담의 실천적 접근이 필요하다. 둘째, 농아노인들이 지역사회의 일원으로 살아가는데 불편이나 불이익이 없도록 공공서비스 기관에 수화도우미 배치 등 맞춤형 복지서비스가 필요하다. 셋째, 농아노인들이 가족으로부터 인정받고 지지받으며 정을 나누면서 살아 갈 수 있는 실천적 접근이 필요하다. 넷째, 청인들이 농아노인들의 문화를 이해하고 지역사회에서 더불어 살아갈 수 있도록 먼저 다가가 수화를 배우고 함께할 수 있는 장을 만들어가는 정책적 실천적 접근이 필요하다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.