The Purpose of this study is to observe the existence of welfare attitude split between welfare regimes clique and to explore the effect of institutional(regime) characteristics on welfare attitude. And Second purpose is to find the characteristics of structure of welfare attitude and then to clarify the characteristics of welfare attitude in Korea. This work contribute to find the point of solidarity and split and to work out the strategical clues for constructing pro-welfare politics. To compare the attitude on the state responsibility about the welfare, Sweden, France, US, and Korea is selected. And the effect of sex, age, education level, income class, and labor status which are abstracted from existing welfare state comparative study are analyzed. The result show the difference in welfare attitude score between countries. The welfare attitude score is Sweden, France and US in order. the Score in Korea is lowest. In the case of the effect structure of welfare attitude between countries, there are no differences between Sweden and France. But the specific characteristics in US and Korea, are observed. And the effect structure of sex, class, labor status is equal in Sweden, France, and US. That is, women, people in low class, and people in low labor status more emphasize the state responsibility on the welfare. But the effect structure of age of US is different comparing other countries. In US, the old age is tend to less support the state responsibility. The education level operate as the effect factor in only US. And Korea show the different effect structure on the welfare attitude. This understanding about structure of welfare consciousness become the basis to construct the strategy for welfare state by proposing the point of consensus and conflict to conversion of welfare paradigm.
It is commonplace to refer to the Nordic countries of Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland and Iceland as a distinctive and homogenous welfare regime. As far as social housing is concerned, however, the institutional heritage of the respective countries significantly frames the ways in which social housing is understood, regulated and subsidized, and, in turn, how housing regimes respond to the general challenges to the national welfare states. The paper presents a historical institutionalist approach to understanding the diversity of regime responses in the modern era characterized by increasing marketization, welfare criticism and internationalization. The aim is to provide outside readers a theoretically guided empirical insight into Scandinavian social housing policy. The paper first lines up the core of the inbuilt argument of historical institutionalism in housing policy. Secondly, it briefly introduces the distinctive ideal typical features of the five housing regimes, which reveals the first internal distinction between the universal policies of Sweden and Denmark selective policies of Iceland and Finland. The Norwegian case constitutes a transitional model from general to selective during the past quarter of a decade. The third section then concentrates on the differences between Denmark, Sweden and Norway in which social housing is, our was originally, embedded in a universal welfare policy targeting the general level of housing quality for the entire population. Differences stand out, however, between finance, ownership, regulation and governance. The historical institutional argument is, that these differences frame the way in which actors operating on the respective policy arenas can and do respond to challenges. Here, in this section we lose Norway, which de facto has come to operate in a residual manner, due to contemporary effects of the long historical heritage of home ownership. The fourth section then discusses the recent challenges of welfare criticism, internationalization and marketization to the universal models in Denmark and Sweden. Here, it is argued that the institutional differences between the Swedish model of municipal ownership and the Danish model of independent cooperative social housing associations provides different sources of resistance to the prospective dismantlement of social housing as we know it. The fifth section presents the recent Danish reform of the governance model of social housing policy in which the housing associations are conceived of as 'dialogue partners' in the local housing policy, expected to create solutions to, rather than produce problems in social housing areas. The reform testifies to the strategic ability of the Danish social housing associations to employ their historically grounded institutional relative independence of the public system.
This study used the qualitative research for deeply interviewing Chinese-Koreans who live and work in Dearim-dong area, Yeongdeungpo-gu, Seoul, collectively. The variation of recognition to the local community at the migration early and the present and their response for overcoming their pending issues are studied through this, To understand the reality and conflict they encounter, the effort for overcoming the pending issues, the inner change of their own community, their fixed direction and so on becomes the core variables for integrating them to our society. They have formed the enormous cluster and have been already developed as the minority group. They are doing 'the struggle for recognition' for being recognized from the dominant group and trying to approach the politics for overcoming the inferiority of power. Accordingly, the intervention of social welfare to this minority group should be a more active working to protect the fragmentation of our society which can be resulted from the increasing influx of the foreigners and be also an approach to mutual enlightenment for making our society adapt to the phenomena of multi-nations and multi-cultures and for accepting them as the population.
This study analyzes the changes in individual local government's social spending from 1995 to 2004 in South Korea. Using the pooled time-series and cross-sectional data of 226 basic-level local governments, the resulting analyses of an error correction model are very interesting: First, a rising local population led to an immediate increase in social spending; Secondly, local governments gradually increased social spending when the elderly ratio had been high, but the levels of social spending in the previous year and local economy related spending level had been low. Thirdly, there were no spending changes associated with local elections and partisan politics. Fourthly, both cooperative and competitive intergovernmental relations had the most significant effect on the social spending and reduced geographical disparities in the level of spending across localities. In conclusion, this study suggests that we establish a more comprehensive intergovernmental network which lead to territorial justice in social welfare.
This research examnied the roles, the strategies and the influence of labor unions on the pension reform. In Italia labor unions were important actors in pension reform politics during 1990s, but in 2004 labor union was excluded from the pension reform. This difference is not only related with diffusion of the leftist party but also the experience of pension benefit retrenchment of the pension reform in 1995 in which labor unions had initiatives. Labor unions choose their strategies, social dialogue or mass struggle, depending on the attitudes of government. After change of government following the failure of the pension reform in 1994 Italian government tried social dialogue. In Dini reform in 1995, laborunions had initiative in making pension reform plan. Labor unions obtained member's approval using membership vote. It had repressed opposition from militant sectors effectively. However Labor unions concentrated on the issues of transition measures and protecting vested rights in seniority pension ignoring problems of contribution evasion of small-firm workers and benefit adequacy of young workers. Even when labor unions leaded social concertation processes and pursued union democracy, labor unions' influences on the pension reform had fundamental limitations.
The degree of delegation related to the social security acts is involved in the candidate selection methods and the standing committee system. The social security acts with a small amount of delegation have an affinity with the bottom-up selection methods and the standing committee to guarantee long term in office. In Germany, the bottom-up selection method which guarantees the right of party members to nominate candidates and the standing committee to guarantee long term in office have an affinity with the Social Acts with less delegation. But the social security acts with a large number of delegation have an affinity with the top-down selection methods and the standing committee not to guarantee long term in office. In Korea, the top-down selection method in which the central headquarter of the party dominates the selection process, and the standing committee whose members are to be selected every two years have an affinity with the Social Security Acts with the excessive delegation.
This paper aims to explore whether the trilemma of welfare states has been a valid argument about the recent change of welfare states. Based on fuzzy-set ideal type analysis of data from seventeen OECD countries, it examines that welfare states have achieved three core policy objectives -income equality, employment growth and fiscal discipline- in the service economy during the period between 1981 and 2010. The evidence presented in this paper does not support the trilemma of the service economy where only two goals can be pursued successfully at one time, at a cost of the other remained goal. The trilemma has been effective only to the countries in liberal welfare regime where employment growth and fiscal discipline has been achieved at a cost of higher levels of income equality. However, conservative welfare-state regimes have experienced the deterioration of income equality and fiscal restraint after the mid 1980s and it seems that they have diverged into various models. In the countries of the social democratic welfare regime, the goals of equality and employment have been achieved simultaneously together with fiscal discipline since the early 2000s. While they are classified as the perfect model in the research, Southern European welfare states including Greece and Italy, classified as 'the crisis model', have not performed well in all the three aspects. On the evidence presented in this paper, it can be said that the trilemma of welfare states in the service economy is not effective to explain the policy goals of welfare state as well as the result of redistributive politics in the service economy.
In the face of revolutionary changes in industry, the relationship between labor and income needs to be reconceptualized in the period of social revolution. The absolute decrease in labor due to the absence of labor is caused by automation, smartization, AI, robot labor, etc., which we must accept whether we want to or not. However, while gross social product and capital of the state or society increase, individual income is likely to decrease. During this transformation period, the state or politics must prepare for the problems caused by the decline in individual income. Until now, there have been various levels of discussion on social welfare or social security from the perspective of welfare or assistance. Attempts or studies at the experimental level have been conducted at the level of many countries or local governments and have found positive and negative effects. There is no basic income system that is widely implemented at the national level, and various discussions are taking place from a future-oriented perspective. Therefore, I propose to look at it from a new perspective based on the perspective so far. We explored that it is part of a positive approach to examine the importance and necessity of basic income in terms of working hours, quality of labor, income, quality of life, value of spare time, and work-life balance. The goal is to actively accept the absolute lack of working hours, replacement of mechanical labor, and polarization due to changes in the industry paradigm, and to look at the problems that come from a positive perspective. If we are going to accept it anyway, we should not look at these issues as short-sighted, but prepare them preemptively and establish a primitive plan from a long-term and overall perspective. Smartphones have changed the world over the past decade and have been lost, but wouldn't there be a lot of new discoveries? Shouldn't we think of it as a great opportunity to improve the quality of life through technological changes?
The Journal of Korean Academic Society of Nursing Education
/
v.3
no.2
/
pp.163-192
/
1997
As the population over the age of 65 increases, the demand for nurses who care for this group also continues to grow. Well-prepared nurses who are knowledgeable and skilled for the elderly can be prepared through systematic gerontological nursing curricula. This study was carried out to identify the needs for gerontological nursing curricular contents. The subjects for this study were two participant groups the educators who teach gerontological nursing in three-year and four-year baccalaureate nursing programs, and the nurses who are working with the elderly in hospitals, community health centers, social welfare agencies, and community health practioner's posts. The major findings of the study are as follows : 1. The differences between actual contents and essential contents of the educators : Concerning the actual contents that is actually taught, the educators showed the highest scores on the demographics of older adults and the lowest scores on the cultural variations affecting health care. Regarding the essential contents, the educators showed the highest scores on the demographics and the lowest scores on the economics of aging. Aside from the demographics, all of the items were found to have significant differences between essential and actual contents. This implies that all the content areas except demographics should be emphasized. 2. The differences between actual knowledge and essential knowledge of the nurses : Concerning the nurses' actual knowledge, the nurses showed the highest scores on the common health problems and their treatment and the lowest scores on the politics of aging. Regarding the essential knowledge, nurses showed the highest scores on the chronic illness and common health problems and the lowest scores on their roles and functions. However, they thought all the items to be essential. All of the items were found to have significant differences between actual and essential knowledge. The nurses who studied gerontological nursing in their school years and after graduating had more knowledge. However, they felt more knowledge was needed. This implies that the nurses need more education in all content areas of gerontological nursing. 3. The differences between educators and nurses : Concerning the essential contents, the educators showed higher scores on the demographics and growth and development than the nurses. Whereas, the nurses showed higher scores on the cultural variations, long-term care, economics of aging, politics of aging, legal and ethical issues, and common health problems than the educators. 4. Activities of nursing care for the elderly : Most common activities were related to direct nursing care such as giving physical care, counseling/teaching clients, and assessing and planning care for the clients. Nurses thought that all the items were critical, but they showed relatively low scores on the following :'serve on multidisciplinary committee', 'preparing reports', 'evaluation of outcomes of care', 'determine policy for nursing service', 'set patient care standards', and 'participate in nursing research' The constraints in providing better nursing service were time constraints, administrative restraints, social restraints, and inadequate knowledge.
Local paper has basically a close relationship to local autonomy for which the ultimate goals are regional development and the promotion of resident welfare. In addition, it is able to have considerable effects on the politics and administration in the region. In Korea where the history and experience of local autonomy is not long, the roles of local paper have been stressed more in the sense that local community is larking in a series of mechanism to control regional politics and administration. On the basis of such relationship of two, in this paper will be empirically analyzed the tendency on how local paper had reported them after revitalizing of Korean local autonomy of 1991. For this, content analysis was used as the method for examining of the tendency. All articles concerning local autonomy were collected from editorial, commentary, remarks, and special topic series from Maeil-daily newspaper, which is being issued in Daegu and Gyoungbook regions. This study could find the distinctive trend of reporting, and also recommended the desirable roles for local paper according to the results revealed in the trend analysis. To mature local autonomy, especially, this study suggested that local parer needs to search a way that ran get the subject of reports diversify as well as ran make an in-depth reporting.
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